纽约时报调查细致:温家宝家人拥27亿美元家产

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纽约时报调查细致:温家宝家人拥27亿美元家产

http://www.creaders.net 2012-10-25 20:29:26

万维读者网  

万维读者网记者晓语综合报道:《纽约时报》今天发表的报道指出,据该报获悉的证据显示,中国总理温家宝的家人在其任总理期间积累了至少27亿美元的个人财富。不过,《纽约时报》也同时强调,没有证据显示温家宝本人与其家人的有关生意有关。

 随著中共18大即将召开,高层内斗情况越来越白热化。日前就曾有海外媒体爆料指出,数家海外华文媒体和多家英美主流媒体都收到攻击温家宝的大量资料。《纽约时报》的文章刊出后,美国的中国问题专家裴敏欣表示,温家宝亲戚发财的消息会影响温家宝的残存权力。

纽约时报原文:总理家人隐秘的财富

中国总理温家宝的母亲曾是华北的一名教师,他的父亲在毛泽东时代的政治运动中曾被送去养猪。在去年的一次演讲中,温家宝总理说,他的童年被打上了“穷苦、动荡和饥荒”的印记。



  然而,公司与监管记录显示,现年90岁的总理母亲杨志云不仅不再贫穷,而且绝对富裕。记录显示,仅她名下一项对中国一家大型金融企业的投资就曾在5年前价值1.2亿美元(约合7.6亿元人民币)。

  没人知晓丈夫已经去世的杨志云是如何积累这笔财富的。但这一过程发生在她儿子被提拔进中国的统治精英阶层之后。温家宝先在1998年升任国务院副总理,并在五年后出任总理。

  《纽约时报》的调查显示,温家宝担任领导职务期间,他的很多亲属变得极为富有。其中包括温家宝的儿子、女儿、弟弟及妻弟。对公司与监管记录的调查显示,在总理的亲属中,有些人的生意风格十分强势,他们掌控了价值不低于27亿美元(约合170亿元人民币)的资产。

  很多情况下,这些亲属的名字都掩藏在多层涉及朋友、同事、商业伙伴与远亲的合伙企业和投资载体背后。此番财务解析细致而不同寻常地揭示出,在经济高速发展、政府影响和私人财富重迭交错的中国,拥有政治人脉的人物是如何利用自己沟通政商的能力谋取利益。






  资料显示,与大多数中国的新企业不同,这个家族的生意不时从国有企业获得金融支持,其中包括中国最大的电信运营商,中国移动和中国电信。其他时候,这些企业得到了一些亚洲最富有的商业巨头的支持。《纽约时报》发现,温家宝的亲属在银行、珠宝公司、度假村、基础设施项目和电信公司中持有股份,其中部分股权是通过离岸机构持有的。

  他们持股的对象包括位于北京的一处别墅开发项目、中国北方的一家轮胎工厂、一家曾参与修建包括标志建筑“鸟巢”(Bird’s Nest)在内的一些北京奥运场馆的公司,以及平安保险,世界上最大的金融服务公司之一。

  今年70岁的温家宝,作为一个仍然严重依靠政府带动的经济体的总理, 在为其亲属带来巨大财富的主要行业中拥有广泛的权力。比如,中国公司如果不经过他手下的机构审批,就不能在证券交易所上市。他在决定是否批准能源与电信等战略行业中的大型投资项目方面,也起着关键作用。

  由于中国政府甚少公开自己的决策过程,所以还不清楚温家宝在大多数政策或法规决策中是否施加了影响,或施加了什么影响。但在一些情况下,他的亲属却试图从这些决策带来的机会中获利。

  例如,根据基于政府记录进行的估算,他弟弟的公司曾从政府那里得到了价值超过3千万美元(约合1.89亿元人民币)的合同与补贴,负责处理一些中国大城市的污水和医疗垃圾。这些合同都是在2003年非典型肺炎(SARS)疫情之后温家宝下令对医疗垃圾处理加强监管之后宣布的。

  2004年,温家宝领导下的国务院免除了平安保险等公司所受经营范围上的限制之后,该公司在其首次公开发行股票中募资18亿美元(约合113亿元人民币),其当下的市值超过了600亿美元。而由温家宝的亲属和他们的朋友、同事控制的合伙人公司在公开发行之前对平安保险公司进行了投资,并从中获取巨额利润。

  2007年,也就是对相关持股进行公开披露的最后一年,《纽约时报》一份经过外部审计人员核实的调查报告显示,这些合伙人公司持有股票的总价值在当时高达22亿美元(约合139亿元人民币)。

  中国平安保险在一份声明中表示,该公司不知晓股东背后投资实体的背景。声明还说,中国平安保险无法获悉股东买卖股份背后的动机。

  尽管中国共产党的条例要求高级官员公开自己和直系亲属的财产,但却没有法律法规对哪怕是最高层官员的亲属做出禁令,禁止他们成为交易撮合者或者主要投资人,而这一漏洞实际上让一些人可以打着家族的名号做生意。一些中国人认为,允许共产党领导人的家人从中国长期的经济繁荣中获利,对确保精英阶层支持市场化改革十分重要。

  但是,提交给中国监管机构的资料显示,温家宝亲属的商业交易有时被掩盖了起来。其运作方式暗示,他们急切地想回避公众的关注。调查发现,他们拥有的股权通常掩盖在错综复杂的股权网络当中,其所有权可能距实际运营的公司有五层控股公司之遥。

  在温家宝母亲的案例中,《纽约时报》通过调查公开记录和政府颁发的身份证,并对三家中国投资公司的所有权进行追踪之后,估算出她在平安保险持有的股份在2007年价值1.2亿美元(约合7.6亿元人民币)。他母亲在平安持有的股票被登记在一家名为泰鸿(Taihong)的控股公司名下,该公司注册地是总理的故乡天津。

  这些看上去是在掩饰自身财富的努力显示,围绕着中国精英统治阶层的政治氛围相当紧张,很多人坐拥巨富,却不愿引人注目。6月份,彭博资讯社(Bloomberg News)报道,中国下届国家主席的既定人选、副主席习近平的亲属积累了数亿美元的财产,中国政府随即在国内屏蔽了彭博社的网站。

  “高层领导中,没有哪家没有这样的问题,”与温家宝相识20多年的一位前同事在不具名的条件下表示,“他的政敌正在有意泄露这些消息给他抹黑。”

  《纽约时报》将调查发现交给了中国政府,并请求置评。中国外交部拒绝回答有关这些投资和涉及总理及其亲属的问题。温家宝的亲属也拒绝置评或没有回复置评请求。

  女富商段伟红的泰鸿公司就是总理母亲与其他亲属持有的平安股份的投资平台。段伟红说,这些投资实际上都是她自己的。段伟红是总理的同乡,也是总理夫人的好朋友。她表示,这些股份之所以放在总理亲属的名下,是为了隐藏她自己持股的规模。

  她表示,“我在投资平安的时候,不希望被媒体关注,”段女士表示,“所以我让亲戚找了一些人代我持有这些股份。”

  她说,自己的公司选了这些亲属作为名义股东,只是一个“巧合”。股权登记过程需要股东提供自己的身份证号码与签名。直到《纽约时报》向她展示了这些投资者的姓名,她一直表示,她不知道这些人和温家宝有亲戚关系。

  此次调查的公司与监管记录的时间跨度为1992年到2012年,调查中没有发现温家宝名下有任何财产。从这些材料中无法看出,温家宝是否曾对任何可能会给亲属的财产带来影响的决定进行回避,也不能断定这些亲属是否在投资上得到过优待。

  在任期内的很长时间里,温家宝一直被关于其亲属试图利用其职位谋利的谣言和猜测缠身。但截止到《纽约时报》此次调查为止,并没有出现任何关于这个家族财富的详细报道。

  他的妻子张蓓莉是中国珠宝与宝石领域的权威人士之一,自己本身就是一位成功的女商人。《纽约时报》发现,她通过管理后来被私有化的国有钻石公司,帮助亲属戚将一些少数股权扩充为价值十亿美元级别的投资组合,涵盖保险、科技和房地产行业。

  温家宝夫妇唯一的儿子曾将自己开创的一家科技公司以1千万美元(约合6千3百万元人民币)的价格卖给香港首富李嘉诚(Li Ka-shing)家族,并利用另一个投资平台成立了新天域资本公司(New Horizon Capital)。相关记录与对银行业人士的采访显示,目前,该公司是中国最大的私募股权公司之一, 其投资合伙人包括了新加坡政府。

  记录显示,总理的弟弟温家宏(Wen Jiahong)掌控着2亿美元(约合12.6亿元人民币)的资产,其中包括污水处理厂与回收企业。

  作为总理,温家宝阐明了自己是一个平民主义者和改革派的立场。他平易近人,经常接触普通百姓,尤其是在发生自然灾害的危急时刻。官方媒体将他爱称为“人民的总理”和“温爷爷”。

  尽管还不清楚温家宝对自己家族的财富知道多少,但在维基解密(WikiLeaks)2010年公布的美国国务院(State Department)外交电文中,有一份电文显示,温家宝对其亲属的商业交易有所了解,且相当不满。

  根据这份2007年发送的电报,一名在中国出生并供职于上海一家美国公司的高管告诉美国外交官,“温家宝对家人的活动很反感,但他无力或不愿限制他们。”

  中国的钻石女王

  在中国的精英圈子里,总理夫人张蓓莉很有钱而且在一定程度上控制着中国的珠宝贸易,这一点不是秘密。但《纽约时报》在查阅了公司和监管记录之后发现,只是在她丈夫步入中国的最高领导层后,她那些利润丰厚的钻石生意才变得异常成功。

  张蓓莉是一名专门研究宝石的地质学家,普通中国人基本上不知道她。她很少和总理一起出行或公开露面。目前几乎没有几张这对夫妇在一起的正式照片。尽管曾和她共事的人说,她喜欢翡翠和精美的钻石,但他们也表示,和其他高级领导人的亲属很像,她的着装通常都很低调,并没有表现得魅力四射,而是宁愿在幕后施展影响。

  维基解密公布的美国国务院文件还表明,温家宝曾因张蓓莉在钻石贸易中利用了两人之间的关系而考虑过离婚。台湾的电视台2007年报道称,张蓓莉在北京的一个贸易展上购得了一对价值约为27.5万美元(当时约合200万元人民币)的翡翠耳环。但根据当时的新闻报道,透露此消息的那名台湾展商后来否认了该说法,中国官方新闻审查部门迅速封锁了国内对该事件的报道。

  一位曾和温家宝的亲属合作过银行业人士称,“在领导层的圈子里,她的商业活动是众所周知的。”这位银行业人士还表示,张蓓莉的办公室致电商业人士也不是什么不寻常的事,“如果你接到了电话,怎么能说不呢?”

  张蓓莉最初得势是在上世纪90年代,当时她还是地质部的一名监管人员。那时,中国的珠宝市场尚处于起步阶段。

  当她丈夫在中国的最高领导机构所在地中南海任职时,张蓓莉正在制定珠宝与宝石贸易的行业标准。她协助在北京成立了国家珠宝玉石质量监督检验中心,在上海成立了上海钻石交易所。这是该行业内权力最大的两家机构。

  在中国,政府长期以来控制着市场,珠宝行业监管部门常常决定着哪家公司可以开设钻石加工厂,谁可以获准进入珠宝零售市场。国家监管部门甚至还制定了规则,要求钻石出售方要为在中国售出的钻石购买鉴定证书,而那些认证书就来自北京那家由张蓓莉管理的国营检验中心。

  因此,当卡地亚(Cartier)和戴比尔斯(DeBeers)的主管来到中国,并希望能在这里销售钻石和珠宝时,他们经常拜访人称中国“钻石皇后”的张蓓莉。

  总部设在瑞士的世界珠宝联合会(World Jewelry Confederation)的主席加埃塔诺·卡瓦列里(Gaetano Cavalieri)已经认识张蓓莉很多年了,他表示:“在中国,她是最重要的人。她就是中外合伙人之间的桥梁 。”

  曾和张蓓莉共过事的人说,她早在1992年就开始游走在官员和女商人这两个角色之间了。作为国有的中国地矿宝石总公司负责人,她开始用国有资金投资新兴企业。在1998年她丈夫被任命为副总理时,她正忙着和亲戚朋友一起开办企业。

  根据公开披露的信息,她经营的那家国有企业投资了数家下属钻石企业。在这些公司当中,有好几家是由张蓓莉的亲戚或她在国家珠宝玉石检验中心的前同事经营的私有企业。

  比如,1993年,张蓓莉负责的那家国企帮助成立了北京戴梦得宝石公司,这是一家大型的珠宝生产商。股东名册显示,一年后,她的一个弟弟张剑鸣和她的两名在政府的同事以个人的名义购得了该公司80%的股份。北京戴梦得投资的深圳戴梦得宝石公司则是由她丈夫的弟弟温家宏所控制。

  中宝戴梦得是她最大的成功之一。这家企业的出资方包括由她担任一把手的国有企业中国地矿宝石总公司。中宝戴梦得和另外一家由她弟弟张剑鹍管理的国企有生意往来。张剑鹍曾是浙江嘉兴的一名官员,那里也是张蓓莉的家乡。

  1999年夏,在达成了从俄罗斯和南非进口钻石的协议后,中宝戴梦得在上海证券交易所(Shanghai Stock Exchange)上市,募集到了3.25亿元人民币。根据公司文件,这次募股为张蓓莉的家人带来了大约800万美元(当时约合6600万元人民币)。

  尽管她从未被列为股东,但她以前的同事和生意伙伴表示, 张蓓莉早年成立的钻石合伙企业最终成为了一系列企业的核心,她帮助自己的家族和同事获得了那些企业的股份。

  《纽约时报》没有发现,温家宝曾利用自己的政治影响力对亲属所投资的钻石公司进行关照。然而,之前的生意伙伴表示,温家宝家族在钻石行业和其他领域的成功往往都得到了富有商人的资金扶持,那些商人试图借此讨好总理一家。

  “温家宝成为总理后,他妻子出售了部分钻石相关的投资,转而进入新的领域,” 一名同该家族有过生意往来的中国高管说。 因为怕遭政府报复,这位高管请求匿名。公司记录显示,从上世纪90年代末开始,一群富商轮番买进这些钻石公司的大量股份。出售方通常是温家宝的亲戚,然后,在这些商人的帮助下,他们将所得再投资到房地产和金融等有利可图的项目中。

  根据公司记录,富商通常会向由这些亲戚部分控制的投资合伙公司提供会计人员和办公地点。

  “当他们合伙成立公司时,”一位和温家成员一起成立过公司的商人说,“张蓓莉留在幕后。这就是他们的模式。”

  唯一的儿子

  今年早些时候的一个晚上,总理的独子温云松坐在一个名为“秀”的雪茄吧里,这是一间位于北京柏悦酒店的顶级酒吧。在场的两位客人透露,他当时正喝着鸡尾酒,身边围绕着北京的新贵们。这些人提着名牌包,身着昂贵的西装。

  在中国,人们普遍认为高层领导人的下一代构成了一个特殊的阶层,人称“太子党”。这些人往往持有常青藤(Ivy League)名校的文凭,享受贵宾待遇,甚至能在热门股票发行时以优惠价格获得股票。

  在市场准入受到政府严格控制的中国,人们都认为太子党好办事。而近几年,还没有几个太子党像年届不惑的温云松这样有魄力。他的英文名是温斯顿(Winston)。

  经过调查温云松的各种投资,并采访了与他相识多年的人士,《纽约时报》发现他涉足的交易领域极其广泛,获利甚丰,这即使是在他太子党同辈中也是出类拔萃的。

  诸如中国移动、中国电信、中央电视台这样的国有大机构都和他合作成立了新公司。在近些年,温云松还和好莱坞(Hollywood)制片商就融资活动展开洽谈。

  苦恼于中国尚无精英级别的寄宿学校,温云松最近雇佣了康涅狄格州的乔特罗斯玛丽中学(Choate)和霍奇科斯学校(Hotchkiss)的校长来负责成立一所位于京郊、投资1.5亿美元的私立学校,这所学校目前正在建设中。

  另外,根据公司记录及熟悉其家庭投资情况的人士的陈述,温云松与其妻还拥有珠宝公司、网络公司和动画公司的股份,他们甚至通过非直接的方式,拥有政府鼎力支持的在线支付企业联动优势科技有限公司(Union Mobile Pay)的股份。一直以来,他们和自己的两个孩子住在位于北京市中心的总理官邸内。

  一位与温云松经常见面的风险投资家说:“他不会对用自己的影响来办事感到不好意思。”

  温云松拒绝接受采访,但他的妻子杨小萌在一次电话采访中表示,针对自己丈夫的商业活动的批评并不公平。

  “所有关于他的报道都是错误的,”她表示,“他真的已经不怎么做生意了。”

  温云松毕业于北京的精英学校,并在北京理工大学(Beijing Institute of Technology)取得工科学位。他后来出国,在加拿大温莎大学(University of Windsor)取得了材料科学的硕士学位,并在美国伊利诺伊州埃文斯顿的西北大学(Northwestern University)凯洛格商学院(Kellogg School of Business)取得了工商管理硕士学位。

  熟悉温云松生意的人透露,他2000年回国后,在五年时间里和别人一起成功打造了三家科技公司。随后他将其中两家公司出售给了香港的企业家,其中包括亚洲首富李嘉诚(Li Ka-shing)的家族。

  经查阅香港与北京的公司注册信息发现,温云松在2000年成立了他的第一家公司优创科技(Unihub Global),提供互联网数据服务,启动资金为500万美元。资金来源于一些关系密切的亲戚与他母亲以前在政府和钻石行业的同事,以及香港第二富有家族的家长郑裕彤(Cheng Yu-Tung)身边的一个人。这家公司的最早客户是一些国有证券公司和平安保险。总理的亲属持有大量平安保险股份。

  2005年,他进行了更大胆的尝试,开始进军私募股权行业,和一群西北大学的中国同学成立了新天域资本公司。公司很快从各方投资者募集了1亿美元的资金。投资人中有日本软银集团(Softbank)旗下的思佰益控股(SBI Holdings)和新加坡政府的投资基金淡马锡(Temasek)。

  在温云松的领导下,新天域迅速蹿升为私人股本行业的佼佼者,公司在生物科技、太阳能、风能和建筑设备制造领域投资。据思佰益控股,迄今为止,该公司已经向投资者返还了4.3亿美元,相当于逾四倍的获利。

  香港行业出版物《亚洲私募股权评论》(Asia Private Equity Review)的主编凯瑟琳·吴(Kathleen Ng)说:“他们的第一个基金就一炮打响。这使得他们可以募得更多资金。”

  目前,新天域管理着逾25亿美元的资金 。

  然而,温云松的一些交易却给总理带来了一些不必要的关注。

  2010年,就在一家名为四环医药的企业公开发行股票仅两个月前,新天域收购了该公司9%的股权。香港证交所做出裁定,这笔后期投资违反了相关规定,并强迫新天域退回股权。即便这样,该公司还是在这笔交易中获利4650万美元。

  不久以后,新天域宣布,温云松已经不再负责公司的日常运作。他转而加入了国有的中国卫星通信集团公司。这家公司和中国的空间项目有联系,目前,他已经成为了该公司的董事长。

  富豪们

  在上世纪90年代末期,段伟红通过自己的泰鸿地产公司在总理的家乡天津管理着一幢办公楼与几处房产。她当时还不到30岁,拥有南京理工大学的学位。

  在2002年,段伟红与几位温家宝的亲戚展开了商业合作,将自己的房地产公司转换成为了同名的投资公司。这家公司最终使段伟红变得非常富有。

  现年43岁的段伟红与总理的关系尚不明朗。在数次采访中,她先是表示,自己并不认识温家任何人,但随后又承认自己是总理夫人张蓓莉的朋友。与其他几位中国企业家一样,在和这些亲属以及他们的关系网中的朋友与同事展开合作后,她的财富规模急速上升。然而她表示,自己和这些人在平安股权上的关系只存在于纸面上,并没有真正的金钱往来。

  段伟红与另外几个商人一直以来都在帮助温家宝家族,他们的作用至关重要,在关键时刻启动大型项目,以帮助温家宝家族成员设立投资平台,并从中获利。这些生意伙伴里包括6位来自中国各地的亿万富豪。

  成立于天津的泰鸿获得了惊人的回报。公司披露信息与段伟红的研究生论文显示,2002年,在平安保险首次公开发行股票之前,泰鸿以6500万美元购得了平安3%的股份。5年后,这些股票的市值为37亿美元。

  随后,通过自己在香港的一家公司,段伟红和两家国有企业成立了一个合资公司,并在北京首都国际机场附近购得了一大块土地。如今,在这片土地上,坐落着一个不断壮大的货运物流中心。去年,泰鸿将这一项目中该公司拥有的53%股权出售给了一家新加坡企业,售价为近4亿美元。

  《纽约时报》通过查阅公司披露材料发现,这笔交易,连同她对豪华酒店、北京的别墅开发项目,以及在香港上市的北京金隅股份有限公司的投资,对段伟红的财富积累起到了至关重要的作用。北京金隅是中国最大建筑材料企业之一。

  通过查阅报表还发现,在过去10年中,泰鸿有着三十多位个人股东,其中很多人要么是温家宝的亲属,要么是张蓓莉的前同事。

  其他与总理的亲属合作过的富商拒绝就本报道置评。段伟红强烈否认自己与总理或其亲属存在任何金钱往来,并表示,将平安股票放在他人名下,只为避免媒体关注。“投资平安的钱全是我自己的” ,曾经是平安监事会成员的段伟红表示。“我做的一切都是合法的。”

  与温家宝的亲属进行合作的另一位富商是掌握着香港集团企业新世界发展公司的郑裕彤(Cheng Yutung)。《福布斯》(Forbes)数据显示,他的身价为150亿美元,是亚洲最大的富豪之一。

  在20世纪90年代,新世界正在中国内地为一家专门经营高档珠宝的姊妹公司寻找落脚点。1998年,这家名为周大福(Chow Tai Fook)的连锁珠宝零售企业在中国内地开设了第一家门店。

  相关记录与对当事人的采访显示,郑裕彤的手下向背后有温家宝的亲属支持的钻石企业进行了投资。还与这些企业一起,共同投资了一系列企业实体,其中包括生命人寿 (Sino-Life)、国民信托(National Trust)和平安保险。企业披露的报表显示,郑裕彤作出的这些投资现在至少价值50亿美元。连锁珠宝企业周大福也得到了蓬勃发展。今天,该公司42亿美元的年收入中,60%来自中国市场。

  本报未能联系到87岁的郑裕彤。新世界发展公司也没有回复打过去的电话。

  对温家宝的影响

  2007年冬,就在温家宝开始第二个总理任期之前,他唿吁采取新措施打击腐败,尤其是高级官员的腐败。

  “各级主要负责同志要……带头执行中央关于党政干部廉洁自律的各项规定。”在北京举行的一次党内高层官员参加的会议上,温家宝说:“领导干部特别是高级干部要严格管束子女、亲属和身边工作人员,防止他们利用自己的影响谋取不正当利益。”

  上述讲话,与温家宝较早前推动对公务员实行更严格的财产申报规定,要求高级官员公布家庭资产的行动是一致的。

  由于中国共产党并不公布此类信息,并不清楚温家宝是否进行过关于自己家庭财产的申报。尽管如此,《纽约时报》发现的温家宝亲属持有的资产中,很多可能并不需要进行披露,因为那些资产并不是以温家宝,及他的妻子和子女的名义持有的。

  《纽约时报》通过调查发现并经由外部审计人员核查的27亿美元资产中,约有80%是由温家宝的母亲、弟弟、弟媳、温家宝妻子的两名兄弟、温家宝的儿媳及亲家等人所持有的。他们都不受中国共产党公开财产的规定所限制。《纽约时报》对相关亲属的中国平安保险持股总规模进行了计算,其结果得到了审计师的确认。总额包括亲属曾经持有但在2004年至2006之间售出的股票,以及2007年末剩下的股票。在此之后,他们平安保险的持股状况就没有再进行过公开披露。

  法律专家表示,估测准确的价值并不容易,因为可能存在一些并不对外披露、指定真正受益者的附加协议。

  哥伦比亚大学法学院(Columbia University Law School)教授克提斯·米尔哈特(Curtis Milhaupt)曾研究过中国公司架构,他表示:“复杂的企业架构并不一定有阴谋诡计。但在企业所有权和政治权力紧密交织的中国体制之下,壳公司就会放大资产所有人不明、资金来源不明的问题。”

  在温家宝的家族所控制的企业中进行投资的人里,有很多长期的商业伙伴、前同事,以及大学同学,其中包括温云松在西北大学的同学于剑鸣,以及温家宝的弟弟温家宏长期以来的同事张玉宏。这些人都没有回复就本报道置评的请求。

  披露温家宝家族持有的财富,可能会给温家宝带来政治上的打击。

  下个月,中共十八大将在北京召开,共产党将宣布下一届领导人人选。但是这个筛选过程却已经陷入几十年来最严重的政治丑闻中——试图进入最高层的重庆市委书记薄熙来倒台。

  在北京,因已到退休年龄,温家宝即将卸任总理一职。数位政治分析人士表示,即使在离任之后,作为党内老领导,他还将在幕后保有强大的政治力量,但这些显示其亲属曾在他任期内积累巨额财富的材料,几乎肯定会削弱他在党内的地位。

  “这将影响他手中剩下的政治力量,” 研究中国领导层的专家、加州克莱蒙麦肯纳学院(Claremont McKenna College)的政府学教授裴敏欣(Minxin Pei)表示。

  温家宝的支持者表示,他本人并没有从家族的商业往来中获利,甚至可能也不太了解这些商业往来的规模。

  今年3月,温家宝暗示,他至少是知晓自己的亲属引发了不少传言。在北京举行的一场向全国电视直播的新闻发布会上,温家宝坚称,自己担任公职期间“没有谋过私利”。

  “我敢于面对人民、面对历史。”温家宝动情地说:“知我罪我,其惟春秋。”

  美媒:敏感时刻触及最敏感问题

  美国之音的报道指出,一些分析人士认为,这些信息会在政治上削弱温家宝及其推动政治改革的立场,损害他的声望和权力以及明年3月卸任总理后对政坛的影响力,美国的中国问题专家裴敏欣说,温家宝亲戚发财的消息会影响温家宝的残存权力。

  华盛顿邮报的费舍尔发表博客文章,标题是《对温家宝财富的透露发生在中国的敏感时刻》。文章把纽约时报这篇报道称作爆炸性的,还说这篇报道触及了今日中国最敏感问题的一部分。

  今年6月底美国的彭博通讯社发表了一篇调查性报道《习近平家族万贯家财爆出精英财富》。报道说,习家的亲戚共有财富3亿多美元,主要是习近平姐夫邓家贵一家所有。这篇文章引起争议。后来彭博通讯社的网站在中国被封锁。


http://news.creaders.net/headline/newsViewer.php?nid=537787&id=1200514&dcid=1
 
温家宝身边的定时炸弹终于引爆(组图)

万维读者网记者上官天乙综合报道:“ 中国财富再多,除以13亿人,就少得可怜了;中国问题再小,乘以13亿人,也就很大了。”这是中国总理温家宝的名言之一。现在,这句话建议做如下修改,“ 中国财富再少,说到我们家的资产,已不算少了;中国问题再大,比起我们家的问题,也不很大了。”




继6月底彭博社暴露习近平家族的惊人财富之后,《纽约时报》的最新调查显示,温家宝担任领导职务期间,他的很多亲属变得极为富有。其中包括温家宝的儿子、女儿、弟弟及妻弟。对公司与监管记录的调查显示,在总理的亲属中,有些人的生意风格十分强势,他们掌控了价值不低于27亿美元(约合170亿元人民币)的资产。

BBC中文网说,《纽约时报》并没有列出温家宝家人的总资产,但计算出了这期间其家人相关的公司所控制公司的价值。《华盛顿邮报》说,《纽约时报》这一爆炸性消息触及了中国当下最敏感的一个问题,该消息披露之时,中国的政治转型正在进入一个特别重要的时刻。法新社则说,《纽约时报》在中共十八大召开前披露此事,很可能再次令中共感到尴尬。

美国之音说,一些分析人士认为,这些信息会在政治上削弱温家宝及其推动政治改革的立场,损害他的声望和权力以及明年3月卸任总理后对政坛的影响力。

据《纽约时报》中文网10月26日报道,很多情况下,“闷声发大财”的温家宝亲属名字都掩藏在多层涉及朋友、同事、商业伙伴与远亲的合伙企业和投资载体背后。

“由于中国政府甚少公开自己的决策过程,所以还不清楚温家宝在大多数政策或法规决策中是否施加了影响,或施加了什么影响。但在一些情况下,他的亲属却试图从这些决策带来的机会中获利。”

(温家宝与他的妻子和儿女。照片摄于1980年代)
《纽约时报》将调查发现交给了中国政府并请求置评,遭中国外交部拒绝。温家宝的亲属也没有回复请求。

此次调查的公司与监管记录的时间跨度为1992年到2012年,调查中没有发现温家宝名下有任何财产。从这些材料中无法看出,温家宝是否曾对任何可能会给亲属的财产带来影响的决定进行回避,也不能断定这些亲属是否在投资上得到过优待。

2007年冬,就在温家宝开始第二个总理任期之前,他唿吁“各级主要负责同志要……带头执行中央关于党政干部廉洁自律的各项规定。”在北京举行的一次党内高层官员参加的会议上,温家宝说:“领导干部特别是高级干部要严格管束子女、亲属和身边工作人员,防止他们利用自己的影响谋取不正当利益。”

上述讲话,与温家宝较早前推动对公务员实行更严格的财产申报规定,要求高级官员公布家庭资产的行动是一致的。

尽管如此,《纽约时报》发现的温家宝亲属持有的资产中,很多可能并不需要进行披露,因为那些资产并不是以温家宝,及他的妻子和子女的名义持有的。



(ChinaTopix, via Associated Press:2011年,温家宝前往动车事故现场。)
《纽约时报》说,通过调查发现并经由外部审计人员核查的27亿美元资产中,约有80%是由温家宝的母亲、弟弟、弟媳、温家宝妻子的两名兄弟、温家宝的儿媳及亲家等人所持有的。他们都不受中国共产党公开财产的规定所限制。

尽管还不清楚温家宝对自己家族的财富知道多少,但在维基解密2010年公布的美国国务院外交电文中,有一份电文显示温家宝对其亲属的商业交易有所了解,且相当不满。

根据这份2007年发送的电报,一名在中国出生并供职于上海一家美国公司的高管告诉美国外交官,“温家宝对家人的活动很反感,但他无力或不愿限制他们。”

在中国的精英圈子里,总理夫人张蓓莉很有钱而且在一定程度上控制着中国的珠宝贸易,这一点不是秘密。但《纽约时报》在查阅了公司和监管记录之后发现,只是在她丈夫步入中国的最高领导层后,她那些利润丰厚的钻石生意才变得异常成功。

(BBC:《纽约时报》亦指出,没有证据显示温家宝本人与其家人的有关生意有关。)
张蓓莉是中国珠宝与宝石领域的权威人士之一,自己本身就是一位成功的女商人。《纽约时报》发现,她通过管理后来被私有化的国有钻石公司,帮助亲属戚将一些少数股权扩充为价值十亿美元级别的投资组合,涵盖保险、科技和房地产行业。

张蓓莉是一名专门研究宝石的地质学家,普通中国人基本上不知道她。她很少和总理一起出行或公开露面。目前几乎没有几张这对夫妇在一起的正式照片。尽管曾和她共事的人说,她喜欢翡翠和精美的钻石,但他们也表示,和其他高级领导人的亲属很像,她的着装通常都很低调,并没有表现得魅力四射,而是宁愿在幕后施展影响。

维基解密公布的美国国务院文件还表明,温家宝曾因张蓓莉在钻石贸易中利用了两人之间的关系而考虑过离婚。

一位曾和温家宝的亲属合作过银行业人士称,“在领导层的圈子里,她的商业活动是众所周知的。”这位银行业人士还表示,张蓓莉的办公室致电商业人士也不是什么不寻常的事,“如果你接到了电话,怎么能说不呢?”

张蓓莉最初得势是在上世纪90年代,当时她还是地质部的一名监管人员。那时,中国的珠宝市场尚处于起步阶段。

当她丈夫在中国的最高领导机构所在地中南海任职时,张蓓莉正在制定珠宝与宝石贸易的行业标准。她协助在北京成立了国家珠宝玉石质量监督检验中心,在上海成立了上海钻石交易所。这是该行业内权力最大的两家机构。

(Xinhua, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images:2008年,温家宝慰问地震灾民)
在中国,珠宝行业监管部门常常决定着哪家公司可以开设钻石加工厂,谁可以获准进入珠宝零售市场。国家监管部门甚至还制定了规则,要求钻石出售方要为在中国售出的钻石购买鉴定证书,而那些认证书就来自北京那家由张蓓莉管理的国营检验中心。

因此,当卡地亚(Cartier)和戴比尔斯(DeBeers)的主管来到中国,并希望能在这里销售钻石和珠宝时,他们经常拜访人称中国“钻石皇后”的张蓓莉。

总部设在瑞士的世界珠宝联合会(World Jewelry Confederation)的主席加埃塔诺·卡瓦列里(Gaetano Cavalieri)已经认识张蓓莉很多年了,他表示:“在中国,她是最重要的人。她就是中外合伙人之间的桥梁 。”

曾和张蓓莉共过事的人说,她早在1992年就开始游走在官员和女商人这两个角色之间了。作为国有的中国地矿宝石总公司负责人,她开始用国有资金投资新兴企业。在1998年她丈夫被任命为副总理时,她正忙着和亲戚朋友一起开办企业。

根据公开披露的信息,她经营的那家国有企业投资了数家下属钻石企业。在这些公司当中,有好几家是由张蓓莉的亲戚或她在国家珠宝玉石检验中心的前同事经营的私有企业。

比如,1993年,张蓓莉负责的那家国企帮助成立了北京戴梦得宝石公司,这是一家大型的珠宝生产商。股东名册显示,一年后,她的一个弟弟张剑鸣和她的两名在政府的同事以个人的名义购得了该公司80%的股份。北京戴梦得投资的深圳戴梦得宝石公司则是由她丈夫的弟弟温家宏所控制。

中宝戴梦得是她最大的成功之一。这家企业的出资方包括由她担任一把手的国有企业中国地矿宝石总公司。中宝戴梦得和另外一家由她弟弟张剑鹍管理的国企有生意往来。张剑鹍曾是浙江嘉兴的一名官员,那里也是张蓓莉的家乡。

(Bo Bor/Reuters:中国总理温家宝。照片摄于2008年。)
1999年夏,在达成了从俄罗斯和南非进口钻石的协议后,中宝戴梦得在上海证券交易所(Shanghai Stock Exchange)上市,募集到了3.25亿元人民币。根据公司文件,这次募股为张蓓莉的家人带来了大约800万美元(当时约合6600万元人民币)。

尽管她从未被列为股东,但她以前的同事和生意伙伴表示, 张蓓莉早年成立的钻石合伙企业最终成为了一系列企业的核心,她帮助自己的家族和同事获得了那些企业的股份。

《纽约时报》说,没有发现温家宝曾利用自己的政治影响力对亲属所投资的钻石公司进行关照。然而,之前的生意伙伴表示,温家宝家族在钻石行业和其他领域的成功往往都得到了富有商人的资金扶持,那些商人试图借此讨好总理一家。

“温家宝成为总理后,他妻子出售了部分钻石相关的投资,转而进入新的领域,” 一名同该家族有过生意往来的中国高管说。公司记录显示,从上世纪90年代末开始,一群富商轮番买进这些钻石公司的大量股份。出售方通常是温家宝的亲戚,然后,在这些商人的帮助下,他们将所得再投资到房地产和金融等有利可图的项目中。

根据公司记录,富商通常会向由这些亲戚部分控制的投资合伙公司提供会计人员和办公地点。

“当他们合伙成立公司时,”一位和温家成员一起成立过公司的商人说,“张蓓莉留在幕后。这就是他们的模式。”

现年43岁的段伟红承认自己是总理夫人张蓓莉的朋友。与其他几位中国企业家一样,在和这些亲属以及他们的关系网中的朋友与同事展开合作后,她的财富规模急速上升。

在上世纪90年代末期,段伟红通过自己的泰鸿地产公司在总理的家乡天津管理着一幢办公楼与几处房产。她当时还不到30岁,拥有南京理工大学的学位。到2002年,段伟红与几位温家宝的亲戚展开了商业合作,将自己的房地产公司转换成为同名的投资公司。这家公司最终使段伟红变得非常富有。

公司披露信息与段伟红的研究生论文显示,2002年,在平安保险首次公开发行股票之前,泰鸿以6500万美元购得了平安3%的股份。5年后,这些股票的市值为37亿美元。

随后,通过自己在香港的一家公司,段伟红和两家国有企业成立了一个合资公司,并在北京首都国际机场附近购得了一大块土地。如今,在这片土地上,坐落着一个不断壮大的货运物流中心。去年,泰鸿将这一项目中该公司拥有的53%股权出售给了一家新加坡企业,售价为近4亿美元。

《纽约时报》通过查阅公司披露材料发现,这笔交易,连同她对豪华酒店、北京的别墅开发项目,以及在香港上市的北京金隅股份有限公司的投资,对段伟红的财富积累起到了至关重要的作用。北京金隅是中国最大建筑材料企业之一。

通过查阅报表还发现,在过去10年中,泰鸿有着三十多位个人股东,其中很多人要么是温家宝的亲属,要么是张蓓莉的前同事。

但段伟红强烈否认自己与总理或其亲属存在任何金钱往来,并表示,将平安股票放在他人名下,只为避免媒体关注。“投资平安的钱全是我自己的” ,曾经是平安监事会成员的段伟红表示。“我做的一切都是合法的。”


http://news.creaders.net/headline/newsViewer.php?nid=537795&id=1200535&dcid=0
 
纽约时报毁灭性打击温家宝 中共再次面临尴尬(图)

温家宝身边的定时炸弹终于引爆

万维读者网记者上官天乙综合报道:“ 中国财富再多,除以13亿人,就少得可怜了;中国问题再小,乘以13亿人,也就很大了。”这是中国总理温家宝的名言之一。现在,这句话建议做如下修改,“ 中国财富再少,说到我们家的资产,已不算少了;中国问题再大,比起我们家的问题,也不很大了。”




继6月底彭博社暴露习近平家族的惊人财富之后,《纽约时报》的最新调查显示,温家宝担任领导职务期间,他的很多亲属变得极为富有。其中包括温家宝的儿子、女儿、弟弟及妻弟。对公司与监管记录的调查显示,在总理的亲属中,有些人的生意风格十分强势,他们掌控了价值不低于27亿美元(约合170亿元人民币)的资产。

BBC中文网说,《纽约时报》并没有列出温家宝家人的总资产,但计算出了这期间其家人相关的公司所控制公司的价值。《华盛顿邮报》说,《纽约时报》这一爆炸性消息触及了中国当下最敏感的一个问题,该消息披露之时,中国的政治转型正在进入一个特别重要的时刻。法新社则说,《纽约时报》在中共十八大召开前披露此事,很可能再次令中共感到尴尬。

美国之音说,一些分析人士认为,这些信息会在政治上削弱温家宝及其推动政治改革的立场,损害他的声望和权力以及明年3月卸任总理后对政坛的影响力。

据《纽约时报》中文网10月26日报道,很多情况下,“闷声发大财”的温家宝亲属名字都掩藏在多层涉及朋友、同事、商业伙伴与远亲的合伙企业和投资载体背后。

“由于中国政府甚少公开自己的决策过程,所以还不清楚温家宝在大多数政策或法规决策中是否施加了影响,或施加了什么影响。但在一些情况下,他的亲属却试图从这些决策带来的机会中获利。”

(温家宝与他的妻子和儿女。照片摄于1980年代)
《纽约时报》将调查发现交给了中国政府并请求置评,遭中国外交部拒绝。温家宝的亲属也没有回复请求。

此次调查的公司与监管记录的时间跨度为1992年到2012年,调查中没有发现温家宝名下有任何财产。从这些材料中无法看出,温家宝是否曾对任何可能会给亲属的财产带来影响的决定进行回避,也不能断定这些亲属是否在投资上得到过优待。

2007年冬,就在温家宝开始第二个总理任期之前,他唿吁“各级主要负责同志要……带头执行中央关于党政干部廉洁自律的各项规定。”在北京举行的一次党内高层官员参加的会议上,温家宝说:“领导干部特别是高级干部要严格管束子女、亲属和身边工作人员,防止他们利用自己的影响谋取不正当利益。”

上述讲话,与温家宝较早前推动对公务员实行更严格的财产申报规定,要求高级官员公布家庭资产的行动是一致的。

尽管如此,《纽约时报》发现的温家宝亲属持有的资产中,很多可能并不需要进行披露,因为那些资产并不是以温家宝,及他的妻子和子女的名义持有的。



(ChinaTopix, via Associated Press:2011年,温家宝前往动车事故现场。)
《纽约时报》说,通过调查发现并经由外部审计人员核查的27亿美元资产中,约有80%是由温家宝的母亲、弟弟、弟媳、温家宝妻子的两名兄弟、温家宝的儿媳及亲家等人所持有的。他们都不受中国共产党公开财产的规定所限制。

尽管还不清楚温家宝对自己家族的财富知道多少,但在维基解密2010年公布的美国国务院外交电文中,有一份电文显示温家宝对其亲属的商业交易有所了解,且相当不满。

根据这份2007年发送的电报,一名在中国出生并供职于上海一家美国公司的高管告诉美国外交官,“温家宝对家人的活动很反感,但他无力或不愿限制他们。”

在中国的精英圈子里,总理夫人张蓓莉很有钱而且在一定程度上控制着中国的珠宝贸易,这一点不是秘密。但《纽约时报》在查阅了公司和监管记录之后发现,只是在她丈夫步入中国的最高领导层后,她那些利润丰厚的钻石生意才变得异常成功。

(BBC:《纽约时报》亦指出,没有证据显示温家宝本人与其家人的有关生意有关。)
张蓓莉是中国珠宝与宝石领域的权威人士之一,自己本身就是一位成功的女商人。《纽约时报》发现,她通过管理后来被私有化的国有钻石公司,帮助亲属戚将一些少数股权扩充为价值十亿美元级别的投资组合,涵盖保险、科技和房地产行业。

张蓓莉是一名专门研究宝石的地质学家,普通中国人基本上不知道她。她很少和总理一起出行或公开露面。目前几乎没有几张这对夫妇在一起的正式照片。尽管曾和她共事的人说,她喜欢翡翠和精美的钻石,但他们也表示,和其他高级领导人的亲属很像,她的着装通常都很低调,并没有表现得魅力四射,而是宁愿在幕后施展影响。

维基解密公布的美国国务院文件还表明,温家宝曾因张蓓莉在钻石贸易中利用了两人之间的关系而考虑过离婚。

一位曾和温家宝的亲属合作过银行业人士称,“在领导层的圈子里,她的商业活动是众所周知的。”这位银行业人士还表示,张蓓莉的办公室致电商业人士也不是什么不寻常的事,“如果你接到了电话,怎么能说不呢?”

张蓓莉最初得势是在上世纪90年代,当时她还是地质部的一名监管人员。那时,中国的珠宝市场尚处于起步阶段。

当她丈夫在中国的最高领导机构所在地中南海任职时,张蓓莉正在制定珠宝与宝石贸易的行业标准。她协助在北京成立了国家珠宝玉石质量监督检验中心,在上海成立了上海钻石交易所。这是该行业内权力最大的两家机构。

(Xinhua, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images:2008年,温家宝慰问地震灾民)
在中国,珠宝行业监管部门常常决定着哪家公司可以开设钻石加工厂,谁可以获准进入珠宝零售市场。国家监管部门甚至还制定了规则,要求钻石出售方要为在中国售出的钻石购买鉴定证书,而那些认证书就来自北京那家由张蓓莉管理的国营检验中心。

因此,当卡地亚(Cartier)和戴比尔斯(DeBeers)的主管来到中国,并希望能在这里销售钻石和珠宝时,他们经常拜访人称中国“钻石皇后”的张蓓莉。

总部设在瑞士的世界珠宝联合会(World Jewelry Confederation)的主席加埃塔诺·卡瓦列里(Gaetano Cavalieri)已经认识张蓓莉很多年了,他表示:“在中国,她是最重要的人。她就是中外合伙人之间的桥梁 。”

曾和张蓓莉共过事的人说,她早在1992年就开始游走在官员和女商人这两个角色之间了。作为国有的中国地矿宝石总公司负责人,她开始用国有资金投资新兴企业。在1998年她丈夫被任命为副总理时,她正忙着和亲戚朋友一起开办企业。

根据公开披露的信息,她经营的那家国有企业投资了数家下属钻石企业。在这些公司当中,有好几家是由张蓓莉的亲戚或她在国家珠宝玉石检验中心的前同事经营的私有企业。

比如,1993年,张蓓莉负责的那家国企帮助成立了北京戴梦得宝石公司,这是一家大型的珠宝生产商。股东名册显示,一年后,她的一个弟弟张剑鸣和她的两名在政府的同事以个人的名义购得了该公司80%的股份。北京戴梦得投资的深圳戴梦得宝石公司则是由她丈夫的弟弟温家宏所控制。

中宝戴梦得是她最大的成功之一。这家企业的出资方包括由她担任一把手的国有企业中国地矿宝石总公司。中宝戴梦得和另外一家由她弟弟张剑鹍管理的国企有生意往来。张剑鹍曾是浙江嘉兴的一名官员,那里也是张蓓莉的家乡。

(Bo Bor/Reuters:中国总理温家宝。照片摄于2008年。)
1999年夏,在达成了从俄罗斯和南非进口钻石的协议后,中宝戴梦得在上海证券交易所(Shanghai Stock Exchange)上市,募集到了3.25亿元人民币。根据公司文件,这次募股为张蓓莉的家人带来了大约800万美元(当时约合6600万元人民币)。

尽管她从未被列为股东,但她以前的同事和生意伙伴表示, 张蓓莉早年成立的钻石合伙企业最终成为了一系列企业的核心,她帮助自己的家族和同事获得了那些企业的股份。

《纽约时报》说,没有发现温家宝曾利用自己的政治影响力对亲属所投资的钻石公司进行关照。然而,之前的生意伙伴表示,温家宝家族在钻石行业和其他领域的成功往往都得到了富有商人的资金扶持,那些商人试图借此讨好总理一家。

“温家宝成为总理后,他妻子出售了部分钻石相关的投资,转而进入新的领域,” 一名同该家族有过生意往来的中国高管说。公司记录显示,从上世纪90年代末开始,一群富商轮番买进这些钻石公司的大量股份。出售方通常是温家宝的亲戚,然后,在这些商人的帮助下,他们将所得再投资到房地产和金融等有利可图的项目中。

根据公司记录,富商通常会向由这些亲戚部分控制的投资合伙公司提供会计人员和办公地点。

“当他们合伙成立公司时,”一位和温家成员一起成立过公司的商人说,“张蓓莉留在幕后。这就是他们的模式。”

现年43岁的段伟红承认自己是总理夫人张蓓莉的朋友。与其他几位中国企业家一样,在和这些亲属以及他们的关系网中的朋友与同事展开合作后,她的财富规模急速上升。

在上世纪90年代末期,段伟红通过自己的泰鸿地产公司在总理的家乡天津管理着一幢办公楼与几处房产。她当时还不到30岁,拥有南京理工大学的学位。到2002年,段伟红与几位温家宝的亲戚展开了商业合作,将自己的房地产公司转换成为同名的投资公司。这家公司最终使段伟红变得非常富有。

公司披露信息与段伟红的研究生论文显示,2002年,在平安保险首次公开发行股票之前,泰鸿以6500万美元购得了平安3%的股份。5年后,这些股票的市值为37亿美元。

随后,通过自己在香港的一家公司,段伟红和两家国有企业成立了一个合资公司,并在北京首都国际机场附近购得了一大块土地。如今,在这片土地上,坐落着一个不断壮大的货运物流中心。去年,泰鸿将这一项目中该公司拥有的53%股权出售给了一家新加坡企业,售价为近4亿美元。

《纽约时报》通过查阅公司披露材料发现,这笔交易,连同她对豪华酒店、北京的别墅开发项目,以及在香港上市的北京金隅股份有限公司的投资,对段伟红的财富积累起到了至关重要的作用。北京金隅是中国最大建筑材料企业之一。

通过查阅报表还发现,在过去10年中,泰鸿有着三十多位个人股东,其中很多人要么是温家宝的亲属,要么是张蓓莉的前同事。

但段伟红强烈否认自己与总理或其亲属存在任何金钱往来,并表示,将平安股票放在他人名下,只为避免媒体关注。“投资平安的钱全是我自己的” ,曾经是平安监事会成员的段伟红表示。“我做的一切都是合法的。”


http://news.creaders.net/headline/newsViewer.php?nid=537795&id=1200535&dcid=0
 
纽约时报毁灭性打击温家宝 中共再次面临尴尬(图)

纽约时报毁灭性打击温家宝 中共再次面临尴尬(图)


文章来源: BBC 于 2012-10-25 21:10:51


《纽约时报》亦指出,没有证据显示温家宝本人与其家人的有关生意有关。

美国《纽约时报》说,据该报获悉的证据显示,中国总理温家宝的家人在其任总理期间积累了至少27亿美元的个人财富。

《纽约时报》的长篇调查性报道称,即将卸任的中国总理温家宝的家人,在其任职期间变得“极其富有”。

该报声称,据调查获悉的公司和监管机构记录显示,温家宝的家人,包括他的母亲、儿子、女儿和弟弟,在其出任总理期间变得相当富有。

报道称,温家宝家人的投资范围涉及银行、珠宝、旅游景点、电讯公司和基础设施项目,而这些公司资产由海外投资工具或复杂的持股结构持有。

《纽约时报》记者调查了1992年至2012年有关公司和监管机构的记录,并汇总了据称与温家宝的儿子、女儿和弟弟,甚至与他的母亲有关的公司资产资料。

该报道没有列出温家宝家人的总资产,但计算出了这期间其家人相关的公司所控制公司的价值。

《纽约时报》还说,温家宝的家人的名字被隐藏在有关公司层层的伙伴关系之下,这些关系包括朋友、同事和商业伙伴。

但该报亦指出,没有证据显示温家宝本人与其家人的有关生意有关,或者温家宝本人了解其家人的生意情况。

该报说,中国政府和温家宝的家人都拒绝对有关报道作出回应。

《华盛顿邮报》说,《纽约时报》这一爆炸性消息触及了中国当下最敏感的一个问题,该消息披露之时,中国的政治转型正在进入一个特别重要的时刻。

法新社则说,《纽约时报》在中共十八大召开前披露此事,很可能再次令中共感到尴尬。

链接>>

纽约时报长文揭露 毁灭性打击温家宝

  纽约时报在首页罕见地发表文章揭露中国的政改总理温家宝的家族发财史。从其90岁的老母到其兄弟、老婆、儿子甚至同事都神奇地成为亿万富翁。温家宝不再是那个在全国老百姓面前叫穷的中国总理。

  其老母Yang Zhiyun,现龄90岁。其资产在5年前就高达1.2亿美元。

  大发国难财。在2003年中国发生SARS爆发后,温家宝宣布要对全国排污进行严厉监管,其弟弟Wen Jiahong立即在全国大城市获得3千多万美元的污水处理和医药废弃物的处理合同。他现在在中国拥有2亿美元的资产。

  2004年由温家宝允许对平安保险等公司在不符合规定的情况下上市。温家宝的家属及其朋友都趁机发财。2007年时披露的材料显示这帮人在平安保险一家公司的股份就高达22亿美元。现在平安保险的股份总价值600亿美元。

  温家宝的这些亲属及其狐朋狗友利用其老乡Duan Weihong的Taihong投资公司在平安投资。Duan Weihong也是温家宝老婆的朋友。希望以此摆脱温家宝和这些投资的关系。在2002年Taihong通过6千500万投资在平安保险获得3%的股份。 5年后这些股份价值37亿美元。可以说一本万利。

  温家宝的老婆Zhang Beili几乎控制中国的珠宝生意。其利用她的资金在保险、科技、房地产公司大肆投资,累计财产也高达10亿美元。台湾电视台在2007年曾经报道 Zhang Beili在北京珠宝展上一次从一个台湾珠宝商手里购买了一对17万5千美元的耳环。在中国这个曾经是政府控制经济的国家,政府往往决定谁可以建立珠宝加工公司和进入珠宝市场。中国政府甚至要求所有在中国销售的钻石必须从温家宝的老婆管理的公司获取证书来证明钻石的真实性。温家宝的老婆因此被国际上的珠宝商称之为“钻石女皇”。

  温家宝的唯一儿子(现在那个管理中国卫通的温云松)200年回到中国。在5年内就在技术领域内成立了3家成功的startup公司。他将其投资的一家科技公司以1千万美元的价格卖给李嘉诚家族。温云松现在约40岁。中国的国有大企业如中国移动都和他一起投资企业。现在他委托外企在北京郊区建设一座投资1.5亿美元的贵族学校。温云松和他的老婆还在中国的科技、电子领域投资。他们在有中国政府背景电子支付平台Union Mobile Pay也有投资。 无忧 资讯 info.51.CA

  温云松还在2005年成立新天域投资公司。他很快筹集了1亿美元。这家公司在中国的生物技术、新能源方面投资。现在已经返还给投资者利润4.3亿美元。现在新天域有25亿美元资产。在2010年他在四川制药上市2个月前投资取得9%的股份。虽然后来由于违反规定被要求退还股份,但新天域还是在这逼投资中轻松获得4650万美元的利润。

  温家宝家族的另外一个富商Cheng Yu-tung在香港控制New World Development。其资产高达150亿美元。是亚洲最富有的人之一。


http://www.wenxuecity.com/news/2012/10/25/2047457.html
 
纽约时报首页罕见发文披露温家宝的家族发财史(组图)
文章来源: 纽约时报 于 2012-10-25 18:36:04 - 新闻取自各大新闻媒体,新闻内容并不代表本网立场!
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(被阅读 28027次) 纽约时报原文:http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/26/b...en-fortune-in-china.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1&

纽约时报在首页罕见地发表文章揭露中国的政改总理温家宝的家族发财史。从其90岁的老母到其兄弟、老婆、儿子甚至同事都神奇地成为亿万富翁。温家宝不再是那个在全国老百姓面前叫穷的中国总理。

其老母Yang Zhiyun,现龄90岁。其资产在5年前就高达1.2亿美元。



大发国难财。在2003年中国发生SARS爆发后,温家宝宣布要对全国排污进行严厉监管,其弟弟Wen Jiahong立即在全国大城市获得3千多万美元的污水处理和医药废弃物的处理合同。他现在在中国拥有2亿美元的资产。



2004年由温家宝允许对平安保险等公司在不符合规定的情况下上市。温家宝的家属及其朋友都趁机发财。2007年时披露的材料显示这帮人在平安保险一家公司的股份就高达22亿美元。现在平安保险的股份总价值600亿美元。

温家宝的这些亲属及其狐朋狗友利用其老乡Duan Weihong的Taihong投资公司在平安投资。Duan Weihong也是温家宝老婆的朋友。希望以此摆脱温家宝和这些投资的关系。在2002年Taihong通过6千500万投资在平安保险获得3%的股份。5年后这些股份价值37亿美元。可以说一本万利。



温家宝的老婆Zhang Beili几乎控制中国的珠宝生意。其利用她的资金在保险、科技、房地产公司大肆投资,累计财产也高达10亿美元。台湾电视台在2007年曾经报道Zhang Beili在北京珠宝展上一次从一个台湾珠宝商手里购买了一对17万5千美元的耳环。在中国这个曾经是政府控制经济的国家,政府往往决定谁可以建立珠宝加工公司和进入珠宝市场。中国政府甚至要求所有在中国销售的钻石必须从温家宝的老婆管理的公司获取证书来证明钻石的真实性。温家宝的老婆因此被国际上的珠宝商称之为“钻石女皇”。



温家宝的唯一儿子(现在那个管理中国卫通的温云松)200年回到中国。在5年内就在技术领域内成立了3家成功的startup公司。他将其投资的一家科技公司以1千万美元的价格卖给李嘉诚家族。温云松现在约40岁。中国的国有大企业如中国移动都和他一起投资企业。现在他委托外企在北京郊区建设一座投资1.5亿美元的贵族学校。温云松和他的老婆还在中国的科技、电子领域投资。他们在有中国政府背景电子支付平台Union Mobile Pay也有投资。 无忧 资讯 info.51.CA

温云松还在2005年成立新天域投资公司。他很快筹集了1亿美元。这家公司在中国的生物技术、新能源方面投资。现在已经返还给投资者利润4.3亿美元。现在新天域有25亿美元资产。在2010年他在四川制药上市2个月前投资取得9%的股份。虽然后来由于违反规定被要求退还股份,但新天域还是在这逼投资中轻松获得4650万美元的利润。

温家宝家族的另外一个富商Cheng Yu-tung在香港控制New World Development。其资产高达150亿美元。是亚洲最富有的人之一。


http://www.wenxuecity.com/news/2012/10/25/2047267.html
 
Billions in Hidden Riches for Family of Chinese Leader:Many relatives of Mr. Wen beca

Many relatives of Mr. Wen became wealthy during his leadership

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/26/b...den-fortune-in-china.html?_r=2&pagewanted=all



Many relatives of Mr. Wen became wealthy during his leadership.


BEIJING — The mother of China’s prime minister was a schoolteacher in northern China. His father was ordered to tend pigs in one of Mao’s political campaigns. And during childhood, “my family was extremely poor,” the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, said in a speech last year.

The Lede Blog: Ask About the Wealth of Chinese Officials (October 25, 2012)
China Blocks Web Access to Times After Article (October 26, 2012)

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But now 90, the prime minister’s mother, Yang Zhiyun, not only left poverty behind — she became outright rich, at least on paper, according to corporate and regulatory records. Just one investment in her name, in a large Chinese financial services company, had a value of $120 million five years ago, the records show.

The details of how Ms. Yang, a widow, accumulated such wealth are not known, or even if she was aware of the holdings in her name. But it happened after her son was elevated to China’s ruling elite, first in 1998 as vice prime minister and then five years later as prime minister.

Many relatives of Wen Jiabao, including his son, daughter, younger brother and brother-in-law, have become extraordinarily wealthy during his leadership, an investigation by The New York Times shows. A review of corporate and regulatory records indicates that the prime minister’s relatives, some of whom have a knack for aggressive deal-making, including his wife, have controlled assets worth at least $2.7 billion.

In many cases, the names of the relatives have been hidden behind layers of partnerships and investment vehicles involving friends, work colleagues and business partners. Untangling their financial holdings provides an unusually detailed look at how politically connected people have profited from being at the intersection of government and business as state influence and private wealth converge in China’s fast-growing economy.

Unlike most new businesses in China, the family’s ventures sometimes received financial backing from state-owned companies, including China Mobile, one of the country’s biggest phone operators, the documents show. At other times, the ventures won support from some of Asia’s richest tycoons. The Times found that Mr. Wen’s relatives accumulated shares in banks, jewelers, tourist resorts, telecommunications companies and infrastructure projects, sometimes by using offshore entities.

The holdings include a villa development project in Beijing; a tire factory in northern China; a company that helped build some of Beijing’s Olympic stadiums, including the well-known “Bird’s Nest”; and Ping An Insurance, one of the world’s biggest financial services companies.

As prime minister in an economy that remains heavily state-driven, Mr. Wen, who is best known for his simple ways and common touch, more importantly has broad authority over the major industries where his relatives have made their fortunes. Chinese companies cannot list their shares on a stock exchange without approval from agencies overseen by Mr. Wen, for example. He also has the power to influence investments in strategic sectors like energy and telecommunications.

Because the Chinese government rarely makes its deliberations public, it is not known what role — if any — Mr. Wen, who is 70, has played in most policy or regulatory decisions. But in some cases, his relatives have sought to profit from opportunities made possible by those decisions.

The prime minister’s younger brother, for example, has a company that was awarded more than $30 million in government contracts and subsidies to handle wastewater treatment and medical waste disposal for some of China’s biggest cities, according to estimates based on government records. The contracts were announced after Mr. Wen ordered tougher regulations on medical waste disposal in 2003 after the SARS outbreak.

In 2004, after the State Council, a government body Mr. Wen presides over, exempted Ping An Insurance and other companies from rules that limited their scope, Ping An went on to raise $1.8 billion in an initial public offering of stock. Partnerships controlled by Mr. Wen’s relatives — along with their friends and colleagues — made a fortune by investing in the company before the public offering.

In 2007, the last year the stock holdings were disclosed in public documents, those partnerships held as much as $2.2 billion worth of Ping An stock, according to an accounting of the investments by The Times that was verified by outside auditors. Ping An’s overall market value is now nearly $60 billion.

Ping An said in a statement that the company did “not know the background of the entities behind our shareholders.” The statement said, “Ping An has no means to know the intentions behind shareholders when they buy and sell our shares.”

While Communist Party regulations call for top officials to disclose their wealth and that of their immediate family members, no law or regulation prohibits relatives of even the most senior officials from becoming deal-makers or major investors — a loophole that effectively allows them to trade on their family name. Some Chinese argue that permitting the families of Communist Party leaders to profit from the country’s long economic boom has been important to ensuring elite support for market-oriented reforms.

Even so, the business dealings of Mr. Wen’s relatives have sometimes been hidden in ways that suggest the relatives are eager to avoid public scrutiny, the records filed with Chinese regulatory authorities show. Their ownership stakes are often veiled by an intricate web of holdings as many as five steps removed from the operating companies, according to the review.

In the case of Mr. Wen’s mother, The Times calculated her stake in Ping An — valued at $120 million in 2007 — by examining public records and government-issued identity cards, and by following the ownership trail to three Chinese investment entities. The name recorded on his mother’s shares was Taihong, a holding company registered in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown.

The apparent efforts to conceal the wealth reflect the highly charged politics surrounding the country’s ruling elite, many of whom are also enormously wealthy but reluctant to draw attention to their riches. When Bloomberg News reported in June that the extended family of Vice President Xi Jinping, set to become China’s next president, had amassed hundreds of millions of dollars in assets, the Chinese government blocked access inside the country to the Bloomberg Web site.

“In the senior leadership, there’s no family that doesn’t have these problems,” said a former government colleague of Wen Jiabao who has known him for more than 20 years and who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “His enemies are intentionally trying to smear him by letting this leak out.”

The Times presented its findings to the Chinese government for comment. The Foreign Ministry declined to respond to questions about the investments, the prime minister or his relatives. Members of Mr. Wen’s family also declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment.

Duan Weihong, a wealthy businesswoman whose company, Taihong, was the investment vehicle for the Ping An shares held by the prime minister’s mother and other relatives, said the investments were actually her own. Ms. Duan, who comes from the prime minister’s hometown and is a close friend of his wife, said ownership of the shares was listed in the names of Mr. Wen’s relatives in an effort to conceal the size of Ms. Duan’s own holdings.

“When I invested in Ping An I didn’t want to be written about,” Ms. Duan said, “so I had my relatives find some other people to hold these shares for me.”

But it was an “accident,” she said, that her company chose the relatives of the prime minister as the listed shareholders — a process that required registering their official ID numbers and obtaining their signatures. Until presented with the names of the investors by The Times, she said, she had no idea that they had selected the relatives of Wen Jiabao.

The review of the corporate and regulatory records, which covers 1992 to 2012, found no holdings in Mr. Wen’s name. And it was not possible to determine from the documents whether he recused himself from any decisions that might have affected his relatives’ holdings, or whether they received preferential treatment on investments.

For much of his tenure, Wen Jiabao has been at the center of rumors and conjecture about efforts by his relatives to profit from his position. Yet until the review by The Times, there has been no detailed accounting of the family’s riches.

His wife, Zhang Beili, is one of the country’s leading authorities on jewelry and gemstones and is an accomplished businesswoman in her own right. By managing state diamond companies that were later privatized, The Times found, she helped her relatives parlay their minority stakes into a billion-dollar portfolio of insurance, technology and real estate ventures.

The couple’s only son sold a technology company he started to the family of Hong Kong’s richest man, Li Ka-shing, for $10 million, and used another investment vehicle to establish New Horizon Capital, now one of China’s biggest private equity firms, with partners like the government of Singapore, according to records and interviews with bankers.

The prime minister’s younger brother, Wen Jiahong, controls $200 million in assets, including wastewater treatment plants and recycling businesses, the records show.

As prime minister, Mr. Wen has staked out a position as a populist and a reformer, someone whom the state-run media has nicknamed “the People’s Premier” and “Grandpa Wen” because of his frequent outings to meet ordinary people, especially in moments of crisis like natural disasters.

While it is unclear how much the prime minister knows about his family’s wealth, State Department documents released by the WikiLeaks organization in 2010 included a cable that suggested Mr. Wen was aware of his relatives’ business dealings and unhappy about them.

“Wen is disgusted with his family’s activities, but is either unable or unwilling to curtail them,” a Chinese-born executive working at an American company in Shanghai told American diplomats, according to the 2007 cable.

China’s ‘Diamond Queen’

It is no secret in China’s elite circles that the prime minister’s wife, Zhang Beili, is rich, and that she has helped control the nation’s jewelry and gem trade. But her lucrative diamond businesses became an off-the-charts success only as her husband moved into the country’s top leadership ranks, the review of corporate and regulatory records by The Times found.

A geologist with an expertise in gemstones, Ms. Zhang is largely unknown among ordinary Chinese. She rarely travels with the prime minister or appears with him, and there are few official photographs of the couple together. And while people who have worked with her say she has a taste for jade and fine diamonds, they say she usually dresses modestly, does not exude glamour and prefers to wield influence behind the scenes, much like the relatives of other senior leaders.

The State Department documents released by WikiLeaks included a suggestion that Mr. Wen had once considered divorcing Ms. Zhang because she had exploited their relationship in her diamond trades. Taiwanese television reported in 2007 that Ms. Zhang had bought a pair of jade earrings worth about $275,000 at a Beijing trade show, though the source — a Taiwanese trader — later backed off the claim and Chinese government censors moved swiftly to block coverage of the subject in China, according to news reports at the time.

“Her business activities are known to everyone in the leadership,” said one banker who worked with relatives of Wen Jiabao. The banker said it was not unusual for her office to call upon businesspeople. “And if you get that call, how can you say no?”

Zhang Beili first gained influence in the 1990s, while working as a regulator at the Ministry of Geology. At the time, China’s jewelry market was still in its infancy.

While her husband was serving in China’s main leadership compound, known as Zhongnanhai, Ms. Zhang was setting industry standards in the jewelry and gem trade. She helped create the National Gemstone Testing Center in Beijing, and the Shanghai Diamond Exchange, two of the industry’s most powerful institutions.

In a country where the state has long dominated the marketplace, jewelry regulators often decided which companies could set up diamond-processing factories, and which would gain entry to the retail jewelry market. State regulators even formulated rules that required diamond sellers to buy certificates of authenticity for any diamond sold in China, from the government-run testing center in Beijing, which Ms. Zhang managed.

As a result, when executives from Cartier or De Beers visited China with hopes of selling diamonds and jewelry here, they often went to visit Ms. Zhang, who became known as China’s “diamond queen.”

“She’s the most important person there,” said Gaetano Cavalieri, president of the World Jewelry Confederation in Switzerland. “She was bridging relations between partners — Chinese and foreign partners.”

As early as 1992, people who worked with Ms. Zhang said, she had begun to blur the line between government official and businesswoman. As head of the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, she began investing the state company’s money in start-ups. And by the time her husband was named vice premier, in 1998, she was busy setting up business ventures with friends and relatives.

The state company she ran invested in a group of affiliated diamond companies, according to public records. Many of them were run by Ms. Zhang’s relatives — or colleagues who had worked with her at the National Gemstone Testing Center.

In 1993, for instance, the state company Ms. Zhang ran helped found Beijing Diamond, a big jewelry retailer. A year later, one of her younger brothers, Zhang Jianming, and two of her government colleagues personally acquired 80 percent of the company, according to shareholder registers. Beijing Diamond invested in Shenzhen Diamond, which was controlled by her brother-in-law, Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother.

Among the successful undertakings was Sino-Diamond, a venture financed by the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, which she headed. The company had business ties with a state-owned company managed by another brother, Zhang Jiankun, who worked as an official in Jiaxing, Ms. Zhang’s hometown, in Zhejiang Province.

In the summer of 1999, after securing agreements to import diamonds from Russia and South Africa, Sino-Diamond went public, raising $50 million on the Shanghai Stock Exchange. The offering netted Ms. Zhang’s family about $8 million, according to corporate filings.

Although she was never listed as a shareholder, former colleagues and business partners say Ms. Zhang’s early diamond partnerships were the nucleus of a larger portfolio of companies she would later help her family and colleagues gain a stake in.

The Times found no indication that Wen Jiabao used his political clout to influence the diamond companies his relatives invested in. But former business partners said that the family’s success in diamonds, and beyond, was often bolstered with financial backing from wealthy businessmen who sought to curry favor with the prime minister’s family.

“After Wen became prime minister, his wife sold off some of her diamond investments and moved into new things,” said a Chinese executive who did business with the family. He asked not to be named because of fear of government retaliation. Corporate records show that beginning in the late 1990s, a series of rich businessmen took turns buying up large stakes in the diamond companies, often from relatives of Mr. Wen, and then helped them reinvest in other lucrative ventures, like real estate and finance.

According to corporate records and interviews, the businessmen often supplied accountants and office space to investment partnerships partly controlled by the relatives.

“When they formed companies,” said one businessman who set up a company with members of the Wen family, “Ms. Zhang stayed in the background. That’s how it worked.”

The Only Son

Late one evening early this year, the prime minister’s only son, Wen Yunsong, was in the cigar lounge at Xiu, an upscale bar and lounge at the Park Hyatt in Beijing. He was having cocktails as Beijing’s nouveau riche gathered around, clutching designer bags and wearing expensive business suits, according to two guests who were present.

In China, the children of senior leaders are widely believed to be in a class of their own. Known as “princelings,” they often hold Ivy League degrees, get V.I.P. treatment, and are even offered preferred pricing on shares in hot stock offerings.

They are also known as people who can get things done in China’s heavily regulated marketplace, where the state controls access. And in recent years, few princelings have been as bold as the younger Mr. Wen, who goes by the English name Winston and is about 40 years old.

A Times review of Winston Wen’s investments, and interviews with people who have known him for years, show that his deal-making has been extensive and lucrative, even by the standards of his princeling peers.

State-run giants like China Mobile have formed start-ups with him. In recent years, Winston Wen has been in talks with Hollywood studios about a financing deal.

Concerned that China does not have an elite boarding school for Chinese students, he recently hired the headmasters of Choate and Hotchkiss in Connecticut to oversee the creation of a $150 million private school now being built in the Beijing suburbs.

Winston Wen and his wife, moreover, have stakes in the technology industry and an electric company, as well as an indirect stake in Union Mobile Pay, the government-backed online payment platform — all while living in the prime minister’s residence, in central Beijing, according to corporate records and people familiar with the family’s investments.

“He’s not shy about using his influence to get things done,” said one venture capitalist who regularly meets with Winston Wen.

The younger Mr. Wen declined to comment. But in a telephone interview, his wife, Yang Xiaomeng, said her husband had been unfairly criticized for his business dealings.

“Everything that has been written about him has been wrong,” she said. “He’s really not doing that much business anymore.”

Winston Wen was educated in Beijing and then earned an engineering degree from the Beijing Institute of Technology. He went abroad and earned a master’s degree in engineering materials from the University of Windsor, in Canada, and an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Business at Northwestern University in Evanston, Ill., just outside Chicago.

When he returned to China in 2000, he helped set up three successful technology companies in five years, according to people familiar with those deals. Two of them were sold to Hong Kong businessmen, one to the family of Li Ka-shing, one of the wealthiest men in Asia.

Winston Wen’s earliest venture, an Internet data services provider called Unihub Global, was founded in 2000 with $2 million in start-up capital, according to Hong Kong and Beijing corporate filings. Financing came from a tight-knit group of relatives and his mother’s former colleagues from government and the diamond trade, as well as an associate of Cheng Yu-tung, patriarch of Hong Kong’s second-wealthiest family. The firm’s earliest customers were state-owned brokerage houses and Ping An, in which the Wen family has held a large financial stake.

He made an even bolder move in 2005, by pushing into private equity when he formed New Horizon Capital with a group of Chinese-born classmates from Northwestern. The firm quickly raised $100 million from investors, including SBI Holdings, a division of the Japanese group SoftBank, and Temasek, the Singapore government investment fund.

Under Mr. Wen, New Horizon established itself as a leading private equity firm, investing in biotech, solar, wind and construction equipment makers. Since it began operations, the firm has returned about $430 million to investors, a fourfold profit, according to SBI Holdings.

“Their first fund was dynamite,” said Kathleen Ng, editor of Asia Private Equity Review, an industry publication in Hong Kong. “And that allowed them to raise a lot more money.”

Today, New Horizon has more than $2.5 billion under management.

Some of Winston Wen’s deal-making, though, has attracted unwanted attention for the prime minister.

In 2010, when New Horizon acquired a 9 percent stake in a company called Sihuan Pharmaceuticals just two months before its public offering, the Hong Kong Stock Exchange said the late-stage investment violated its rules and forced the firm to return the stake. Still, New Horizon made a $46.5 million profit on the sale.

Soon after, New Horizon announced that Winston Wen had handed over day-to-day operations and taken up a position at the China Satellite Communications Corporation, a state-owned company that has ties to the Chinese space program. He has since been named chairman.

The Tycoons

In the late 1990s, Duan Weihong was managing an office building and several other properties in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown in northern China, through her property company, Taihong. She was in her 20s and had studied at the Nanjing University of Science and Technology.

Around 2002, Ms. Duan went into business with several relatives of Wen Jiabao, transforming her property company into an investment vehicle of the same name. The company helped make Ms. Duan very wealthy.

It is not known whether Ms. Duan, now 43, is related to the prime minister. In a series of interviews, she first said she did not know any members of the Wen family, but later described herself as a friend of the family and particularly close to Zhang Beili, the prime minister’s wife. As happened to a handful of other Chinese entrepreneurs, Ms. Duan’s fortunes soared as she teamed up with the relatives and their network of friends and colleagues, though she described her relationship with them involving the shares in Ping An as existing on paper only and having no financial component.

Ms. Duan and other wealthy businesspeople — among them, six billionaires from across China — have been instrumental in getting multimillion-dollar ventures off the ground and, at crucial times, helping members of the Wen family set up investment vehicles to profit from them, according to investment bankers who have worked with all parties.

Established in Tianjin, Taihong had spectacular returns. In 2002, the company paid about $65 million to acquire a 3 percent stake in Ping An before its initial public offering, according to corporate records and Ms. Duan’s graduate school thesis. Five years later, those shares were worth $3.7 billion

The company’s Hong Kong affiliate, Great Ocean, also run by Ms. Duan, later formed a joint venture with the Beijing government and acquired a huge tract of land adjacent to Capital International Airport. Today, the site is home to a sprawling cargo and logistics center. Last year, Great Ocean sold its 53 percent stake in the project to a Singapore company for nearly $400 million.

That deal and several other investments, in luxury hotels, Beijing villa developments and the Hong Kong-listed BBMG, one of China’s largest building materials companies, have been instrumental to Ms. Duan’s accumulation of riches, according to The Times’s review of corporate records.

The review also showed that over the past decade there have been nearly three dozen individual shareholders of Taihong, many of whom are either relatives of Wen Jiabao or former colleagues of his wife.

The other wealthy entrepreneurs who have worked with the prime minister’s relatives declined to comment for this article. Ms. Duan strongly denied having financial ties to the prime minister or his relatives and said she was only trying to avoid publicity by listing others as owning Ping An shares. “The money I invested in Ping An was completely my own,” said Ms. Duan, who has served as a member of the Ping An board of supervisors. “Everything I did was legal.”

Another wealthy partner of the Wen relatives has been Cheng Yu-tung, who controls the Hong Kong conglomerate New World Development and is one of the richest men in Asia, worth about $15 billion, according to Forbes.

In the 1990s, New World was seeking a foothold in mainland China for a sister company that specializes in high-end retail jewelry. The retail chain, Chow Tai Fook, opened its first store in China in 1998.

Mr. Cheng and his associates invested in a diamond venture backed by the relatives of Mr. Wen and co-invested with them in an array of corporate entities, including Sino-Life, National Trust and Ping An, according to records and interviews with some of those involved. Those investments by Mr. Cheng are now worth at least $5 billion, according to the corporate filings. Chow Tai Fook, the jewelry chain, has also flourished. Today, China accounts for 60 percent of the chain’s $4.2 billion in annual revenue.

Mr. Cheng, 87, could not be reached for comment. Calls to New World Development were not returned.

Fallout for Premier

In the winter of 2007, just before he began his second term as prime minister, Wen Jiabao called for new measures to fight corruption, particularly among high-ranking officials.

“Leaders at all levels of government should take the lead in the antigraft drive,” he told a gathering of high-level party members in Beijing. “They should strictly ensure that their family members, friends and close subordinates do not abuse government influence.”

The speech was consistent with the prime minister’s earlier drive to toughen disclosure rules for public servants, and to require senior officials to reveal their family assets.

Whether Mr. Wen has made such disclosures for his own family is unclear, since the Communist Party does not release such information. Even so, many of the holdings found by The Times would not need to be disclosed under the rules since they are not held in the name of the prime minister’s immediate family — his wife, son and daughter.

Eighty percent of the $2.7 billion in assets identified in The Times’s investigation and verified by the outside auditors were held by, among others, the prime minister’s mother, his younger brother, two brothers-in-law, a sister-in-law, daughter-in-law and the parents of his son’s wife, none of whom is subject to party disclosure rules. The total value of the relatives’ stake in Ping An is based on calculations by The Times that were confirmed by the auditors. The total includes shares held by the relatives that were sold between 2004 and 2006, and the value of the remaining shares in late 2007, the last time the holdings were publicly disclosed.

Legal experts said that determining the precise value of holdings in China could be difficult because there might be undisclosed side agreements about the true beneficiaries.

“Complex corporate structures are not necessarily insidious,” said Curtis J. Milhaupt, a Columbia University Law School professor who has studied China’s corporate group structures. “But in a system like China’s, where corporate ownership and political power are closely intertwined, shell companies magnify questions about who owns what and where the money came from.”

Among the investors in the Wen family ventures are longtime business associates, former colleagues and college classmates, including Yu Jianming, who attended Northwestern with Winston Wen, and Zhang Yuhong, a longtime colleague of Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother. The associates did not return telephone calls seeking comment.

Revelations about the Wen family’s wealth could weaken him politically.

Next month, at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing, the Communist Party is expected to announce a new generation of leaders. But the selection process has already been marred by one of the worst political scandals in decades, the downfall of Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party boss, who was vying for a top position.

In Beijing, Wen Jiabao is expected to step down as prime minister because he has reached retirement age. Political analysts say that even after leaving office he could remain a strong backstage political force. But documents showing that his relatives amassed a fortune during his tenure could diminish his standing, the analysts said.

“This will affect whatever residual power Wen has,” said Minxin Pei, an expert on Chinese leadership and a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California.

The prime minister’s supporters say he has not personally benefited from his extended family’s business dealings, and may not even be knowledgeable about the extent of them.

Last March, the prime minister hinted that he was at least aware of the persistent rumors about his relatives. During a nationally televised news conference in Beijing, he insisted that he had “never pursued personal gain” in public office.

“I have the courage to face the people and to face history,” he said in an emotional session. “There are people who will appreciate what I have done, but there are also people who will criticize me. Ultimately, history will have the final say.”


A version of this article appeared in print on October 26, 2012, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Billions Amassed in the Shadows By the Family of China’s Premier..
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stevehawaiiNYT PickReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Well, this is really no surprise to anyone who knows how China works. But as suspicious as this all is, I find it interesting where much of this money is being invested--biotech, wind and solar energy, waste recycling, education, insurance, construction, jewelry. I suppose jewelry is rather useless in the grand scheme of things, and construction can have its negatives as well as positives, but most of these industries to me seem like good, solid, forward-looking investments. If they're going to use their connections, I'd rather have them invest in those industries rather than polluting, chemical and oil-based industries, or in sweatshops.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended2Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..VictorCanadaReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..This is a good article by NYT. It used information that can be obtained publically and put the pieces into a picture that show shocking truth - shocking, but true by my judgement. It is important for the Chinese to know, the man, who is good at showing a nice face like an actor, has an ugly other side of the face. We should wait and see how the Chinese government deals with this. This is a critical test!
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..Kowtha, N.Seoul,KoreaReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..This is a good piece of reporting. But as these things work all over the world, I suspect that much of the information that was buried under layers could have come to light only because someone high up has a vested interest in the expose. This is probably a critical juncture for Chinese politics. The story might mean more than an expose and it should worry all of us who are already worried to death about "the economy".

A second point I would like to make looking at the comments here- if slightly offensive- pertains to the hue and cry about Chinese corruption and all that. I do not think any of us anywhere in the world is in a position to point fingers . To wit, the wannabe Superstat India will have a good laugh when it looks at this tiny amount of $2.7 Billion. I do not want to get into what is happening (or happened) in America and Europe.

Corruption is bad, hurts people and damages nations. Let us also remember that corruption is not just stealing money but also a state of mind that leads to relentless pursuit of wealth at any cost to others. That does not put any country or peoples in a good light.
But to act and speak as if you are encountering something completely alien is laughable. It is this kind of put-on rectitude and self-righteousness that turns off people in other countries.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended4Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..citizen625Bigfork, MTReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Excellent journalism. This is how the US/Ivy League/Wall Street/DC clique works. It's no wonder who went first in the French, Russian and Chinese revolutions. The rich only have "friends" until their money runs out. That's why the rich guys created religion: guilt for the little people.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..Fred WhiteBaltimoreReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..We're shocked, shocked that the Chinese party elite has gotten filthy rich. But as long as they keep raising the standard of living of the masses, no one's going to care enough to seriously oppose them.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..Zenon DolnyckyjNew YorkReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..you think thats bad? Nothing compared to Wen's political enemies.

http://tinyurl.com/9bha5kd

The CCP is so outdated its amazing that in all of his brilliance even Mr. Jobs turned a blind eye. Society will move on. It is so sad to see those who can't keep up.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..BenCascades, OregonReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..So, what is different compared to the rest of the world? How do you think the 1% in the US operate? Do you expect these people to list opportunity in the newspaper classifieds or exploit trusted networks. I don't buy the breathless air of the article, do not think it will cause much of a stink, and how did Wikileaks become a credible source for the Times after all the beat downs? I also don't buy the big deal investigative reporting accolades. From what I read what we are looking at is a fairly thorough research job so sadly lacking in the so called news analysis we read so often that they have replaced plain old fact driven reporting. I bet most of this was accomplish via a high speed internet connection. It's not like anyone was sneaking around digging up facts unknown except to the inner sanctum of a clandestine organization. Those thinking I find the whole thing irritating would be correct. It seems to me there is an overabundance of fecund ground needing to be plowed up here at home. But no, its more important to write articles invalidating Occupy and Wikileaks than to dig up the dirt on home grown corruption. The Times treats our bigwigs with kid gloves. Heck the Times, if it wanted to could probably boil the state legislature alive tomorrow morning, again if it wanted to. I'm remembering how it treated the GS deal where Goldman bet against the position it was aggressively marketing to its customers after engineering a guaranteed looser for them and the list goes on.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended4Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..DoodleFort MyersReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..As observers for racism and classism have noticed, the bottom line often is not race but class. What is the distinctiion between a rich capitalist versus a rich comminist? None. They both step on the toil and suffering of the masses to amass their riches. As such, no matter how much economic growth there is, there will always be poor, destitute people.

That's why democracy is so important. Only a genuinely functioning democracy (not here in United States by the way) can build a government by the people and for the people. Without strong democracy, capitalism, socialism or communism are just different routes to oligarchy. The only difference is that it will be more obvious in a communistic country than a capitalist one where one is fooled by the illusion of a free market.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended1Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..nealmontanaReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Just shows wealthy people all act the same no matter what country or government or economic system controls that country. Won't be long before they are all together in controlling most everything. If they aren't already there. I don't see much difference between todays gop wealthy and China's Wen.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended1Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..Alan WrightNJReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Post-communist China is a house built on a foundation of sand. It's anti-democratic capital success is due to the depravity and violence of its communism, which cowed and scarred its people.

Recent reports show China has dozens of large, newly built cities - but many of these were made with low architectural standards for safety. Last year a major bullet train crashed due to sloppiness.

Accountability?

Don't look to Wen Jiabao. Look to Tienanmen Square. That is where you will find it, buried neck-deep in the sand as the tide rises.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..EleanorChicagoReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..As someone who cares about what's happening in the world and appreciates good old-fashioned investigative journalism, I loved this article. Thanks for being an online news source that actually has news, not cat videos and the top five "binders full of women" Halloween costumes.

As an American high school student studying Mandarin, I found it interesting that Wen Jiabao's given name, 家宝, literally translates to "family treasure." Coincidence, yes, but still amusing.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended1Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..Yankee49Rochester NYReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Well, it seems that American capitalism and Chinese capitalism and their respective political systems resemble each other more and more each day.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended1Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..ConfuciusMelbourneReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Let's not kid ourselves. If corruption can advance for the greater good and be contained within reasonable limit then it is still morally acceptable.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..Carl RSan Francisco, CAReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Glad to see a story on the nefarious mix of money and state power. I understand it may be easier for people to recognize naked corruption somewhere far away.

Why is it so hard to connect the dots to Mitt Romney? Great wealth. Check. Low taxes already and a plan to cut those to 1%. Check. Secret finances, i.e., secret places to send payment for services rendered. Check.

In short, things are nearly as bad here.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended2Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..Miss ChongqingNYReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Those of us from Chongqing cannot but see the hypocrisy of Wen in his key to oust Bo XL. Bo is not worse than him or others but a whole lot better in what he did for the people. We still think the main reason Wen pushed to oust Bo is that Bo made him look so incompetent and unaccomplished.

Wen wasted ten years during his tenure as PM, no accomplishments, did nothing for the country or people; other than being the official mourner-in-chief, helicoptering to where crises occurred and did his crying. But why did so many crises occur under his rein in the first place?

what a good actor, no wonder he is known as Wen the Emperor in Acting (Wen Ying Di). a petty soul.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended1Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..RamMontgomery, NJReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Winston (sic!) Wen going to Kellog from a middling school across the border from Detroit is not extraordinary. But I'm willing to bet it's not because of his scholarship. There is a pattern here of the top schools in the USA admitting future potentates from other countries at the cost of our own meritorious students. They will knowingly admit rich business heirs, princelings, bureaucrats' and politicians' vagrant no-goods, and even underworld bosses' upstarts however mediocre they all are. There must be some correlation between their education here and what they foster globally? [There's a story for you, NYT].

The benefits to the universities are obvious. But what burns me is the universities' hypocrisy and their self-righteous posturing about the rectitude of the selection process. And they call it, rather shamelessly, "class balance".
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended2Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..TKDCNYT PickReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..This article is only peeling the surface of the true problem and danger of China today. When talking to someone from the Senate committee dealing with China issues, years ago, and asked what would be most important issue the United States would need to focus on when dealing with China, my answer was corruption.

Their political, military, regional and local leaders control and manage all of China's economic affairs. It means that China's international and domestic policies are controlled by greed of these individuals. The rampant corruption in their government not only impacts their internal politics, but their external relationship from economic trade to military affairs.

Even back then corruption in China was a reaching a breaking point, and it was only going to get worst before they had to react to appease its public. However, corruption and doing favors through relationships ("guanxi") so deeply ingrained in Chinese culture, it will always be present in some form or fashion.

While China's corruption could be compared with Russia, China is geopolitical novice who is just starting to understand that players with power have responsibilities. At the same time, China is currently having economic issues, because level growth was never sustainable, and hurting the system that cannot sustain its power base fueled by corruption. Then China really only has two choices, reform its system or start looking outside. And those with power have a hard time letting it go.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:45 p.m.Recommended4Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..expat inShanghaiReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Having lived in China for over 4 years one of the most important things to remember once you've been here awhile is to be careful as to what you believe when in China. Be careful what you believe when it comes to China -- be very careful.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:19 p.m.Recommended2Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
..cdav531New JerseyReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..It is not exactly a secret here in China that the key to becoming wealthy is either to become a Party member or to have close friends who are. In one of my university classes here last year a freshman girl was filling out an application to join The Party and I asked her why she wanted to join. She attempted to say something along the lines of “to serve the people” and I immediately called her out on it. She never quite admitted it was actually for her own selfish interests but she never quite denied it either. Sadly, this is the way China operates these days. Everyone knows “Communism” doesn't exist here anymore and everyone goes along with the Big Lie that it does. (“Socialism With Chinese Characteristics” for example. This is just a fancy way of saying “unfettered capitalism.”) What is striking to me, however, is not how openly corrupt the Party is, but how accepting “ordinary” Chinese generally are of the corruption. They don’t necessarily want to see it end. They’d rather just become part of it. That is what saddens me the most. It influences the entire culture here. Ask any Westerner living here how many true Chinese “friends” they have. Most will answer “not many.” A “friend” here is usually someone who can “help” you.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:13 p.m.Recommended8Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
.JesseBostonReport Inappropriate Comment.Vulgar.Inflammatory.Personal Attack.Spam.Off-topic..SubmitCancel.
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..Finally we have one post with actual insights on China. I am shocked by what you know about my country and my people actually. You are absolutely right that for most of us, Communism is just a plain lie. We don't really care about communism, capitalism or anything else. Afterall it is just a name. Chinese people are extremely pragmatic and hard working, that is also why we don't have a common religion since it really doesn't matter.

What upsets me too is that most of the Chinese people hate corruption and yet they want to be part of it. The corruption is bad, but it is not a cancer for the country yet. We are working on it just as the Americans did in the past.

I would be actually surprised if Wen's family turns out to be an ordinary one. It is just how things work here. It is not good, but it is the best we have now.

BTW, the reasons why westerners don't have true Chinese friend are the same as why Chinese like me doesn't have true WHITE friends here in US. It is just the culture, the language, personal interests are entirely different between us. So why bother to be true friends?
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended2Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..An exceptional job of old-school journalism by David Barboza and, I would guess, another Pulitzer for the Times. I can’t imagine the reams of paperwork Mr. Barboza must have had to go through, and look forward to seeing a story about the story later on. Again, top-notch stuff.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:12 p.m.Recommended2Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..Thank you for reminding me why after a century, NYT is still an undisputed source of news. Other newspapers/cable "news" channels take note, this is how it's done.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 9:55 p.m.Recommended40Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..I would bet the main source of the story was leaked from some obscure government group who delves into such facts that study the power structures of foreign governments.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 11:51 p.m.Recommended1Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..Keep digging. Don't stop...don't ever stop.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 9:54 p.m.Recommended12Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..An amazing piece of reporting. Bravo, New York Times, bravo!!!
Oct. 25, 2012 at 9:54 p.m.Recommended15Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..Great reporting, great work.
Oct. 25, 2012 at 9:53 p.m.Recommended9Share this on FacebookShare this on Twitter.
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..NYT published first, great, No.1.
This is an very important article which will change the coure of china soon. we will see.

Great job. I love NYT
 
土共内部斗争白热化了。都学会了利用海外媒体。
 
China Blocks Web Access to Times After Article

By KEITH BRADSHER

Published: October 25, 2012


HONG KONG — The Chinese government swiftly blocked access early Friday morning to the Chinese-language Web site of The New York Times from computers in mainland China and gradually halted access to the English-language site as well after the news organization posted an article in both languages describing wealth accumulated by the family of the country’s prime minister.

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.The authorities were also blocking attempts to mention The Times or the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, in postings on Sina Weibo, an extremely popular mini-blogging service in China that resembles Twitter.

The Foreign Ministry spokesman on duty in Beijing early Friday morning did not immediately answer phone calls for comment.

China maintains the world’s most extensive and sophisticated system for Internet censorship, employing tens of thousands of people to monitor what is said, delete entries that contravene the country’s extensive and unpublished regulations and even write new entries that are favorable to the government.

Rebecca MacKinnon, a senior fellow specializing in Internet free expression and privacy issues at the New America Foundation, a nonpartisan group headquartered in Washington, said that the Chinese interruption of Internet access was typical of the response to information that offended leaders.

“This is what they do: they get mad, they block you,” she said.

The English-language and Chinese-language Web sites of The Times are hosted on servers outside mainland China.

A spokeswoman for The Times, Eileen Murphy, expressed disappointment that Internet access had been blocked and noted that the Chinese-language Web site had attracted “great interest” in China.

“We hope that full access is restored shortly, and we will ask the Chinese authorities to ensure that our readers in China can continue to enjoy New York Times journalism,” she said in a statement, adding, “We will continue to report and translate stories applying the same journalistic standards that are upheld across The New York Times.”

Former President Jiang Zemin of China ordered an end to blocking of The New York Times Web site after meeting with journalists from The Times in August 2001. The company’s Web sites, like those of most other foreign media organizations, have remained mostly free of blocking since then, with occasional, temporary exceptions.

By midmorning on Friday in China, access to both the English- and Chinese-language Web sites of The Times was blocked from all 31 cities in mainland China tested. The Times had posted the article in English at 4:34 p.m. on Thursday in New York (4:34 a.m. Friday in Beijing), and finished posting the article in Chinese by 8 a.m. Friday in Beijing after the translation of final edits to the English-language version. So Chinese blockage of Web access followed very quickly.

Publication of the article about Mr. Wen and his family comes at a delicate time in Chinese politics, during a year in which factional rivalries and the personal lives of Chinese leaders have come into public view to a rare extent and drawn unprecedented international interest.

The Times’s statement called China “an increasingly open society, with increasingly sophisticated media,” adding, “The response to our site suggests that The Times can play an important role in the government’s efforts to raise the quality of journalism available to the Chinese people.”

The New York Times is not the first international organization to run into trouble with Chinese censors. Google decided to move its servers for the Chinese market in January 2010, to Hong Kong, a semiautonomous Chinese territory outside the country’s censorship firewalls, after the company was unable to reach an agreement with the Chinese authorities to allow unrestricted searches of the Internet.

Bloomberg published an article on June 29 describing wealth accumulated by the family of Vice President Xi Jinping, who is expected to become the country’s next top leader as general secretary of the Communist Party during the coming Party Congress.

Since then, Bloomberg’s operations have encountered a series of problems in mainland China, including the blocking of its Web site, which is in English.


http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/26/w...nytimes.com/pages/business/global/index.jsonp
 
天啊,NYT这得拿到多少钱啊!
 
他们的内斗够精彩....

NYT赚一大笔钱。
 
真妙:, an investigation by The New York Times shows.
 
NYT的报道统统没有消息来源或者出处,只说 an investigation by The New York Times shows,或者他们found。

这种作法,不符合西方新闻理论的要求。
 
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