Left or right? which government you would like to have?

[focus on today]

 

[focus on today]

 

[soysauce]

@Maxine Bernier
Some people keep asking why I attack Scheer as much as Trudeau.

They say I should only focus on Trudeau.

It’s quite simple: I don’t want the Conservatives to replace the Liberals.

I want the @peoplespca to replace the Liberals!

We must defeat BOTH wings of the LibCons!

 

[soysauce]

楼主，谁代表右边？人民党还是保守党？

 

[肥猫]

Middle

 

[GuardianAngel]

自由党，NDP: 左，极左
保守党： 中
人民党：中偏右

 

[focus on today]

honestly, listen to what the professor has to say, may get more understanding of what is going on in the world right now.

 

[uglyducking]

honestly, listen to what the professor has to say, may get more understanding of what is going on in the world right now.

不，我们只听上帝的。

 

[soysauce]

Maxime Bernier goes to a dark place

JOHN IBBITSON

Maxime Bernier wants to win the Canadian Trump vote.

In a speech on Saturday at a conference hosted by the right-wing Rebel Media in Calgary, the leader of the new People’s Party of Canada questioned the science of climate change, pilloried the United Nations and insisted immigrants to Canada must embrace “Western civilization values.”

His language was not as extreme as Donald Trump’s – this is Canada, after all – but he made it perfectly clear, at least to this listener, that the implicit motto of the People’s Party is: Canada First. For however many believe that the Canadian economy and social fabric are being undermined by environmentalists, do-gooders and immigrants, Mr. Bernier promises he will be their voice.

Maxime Bernier speaks with the media after filing papers for the Peoples Party of Canada at the Elections Canada office in Gatineau, Que., on Oct. 10, 2018.

ADRIAN WYLD/THE CANADIAN PRESS

The party, which the Beauce, Que., MP founded in September after deciding Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives had become too centrist, is making good progress. Its leader has laid to rest accusations that he lacked the discipline or public support to craft a working political party with national reach. Mr. Bernier claims to already have signed up 33,000 supporters with PPC riding associations organizing across the country.

In some ways, Mr. Bernier is simply a Conservative in a hurry, with his proposals to lower taxes, eliminate corporate subsidies, deregulate the telecom sector, cut funding to the CBC and privatize Canada Post.

But in front of a friendly crowd, his vision grows darker.

First, he pledged, “I am the only politician in Ottawa who promises to take Canada out of the Paris accord” to fight global warming. He acknowledges that most scientists believe human activity is responsible for climate change, but "there are also scientists saying other factors, like the sun, have more impact.” Regardless, “we are not going to destroy our economy on that subject.” Climate-change deniers will feel very much at home in the People’s Party.

Second, Mr. Bernier is committed to “abolishing foreign aid and saving the $5-billion that we spend every year to help Canadians instead.” Canada under the People’s Party would have “a foreign policy that focuses on security and prosperity of Canadians, not on pleasing a dysfunctional United Nations.” Even Mr. Trump hasn’t proposed completely eliminating foreign aid, although he would doubtless warm to the idea if he thought he could get away with it.

Third, and darkest, “our immigration policy should not aim to forcibly change the cultural character and social fabric of our country,” he told the audience. Immigration levels should be reduced, and immigrants must “adopt widely shared Canadian values, Western civilization values,” he maintained.

“On issues such as immigration, multiculturalism, diversity, [the Conservatives] are simply not willing to push back against the dominant left-wing narrative,” Mr. Bernier declared, “and they are afraid to create controversies. I’m not afraid.”

 

[soysauce]

honestly, listen to what the professor has to say, may get more understanding of what is going on in the world right now.

没啥新鲜的，100多年前的定义拿出来惑人。
right now 全世界都在反川普，除了你们还在捧他臭脚外。哈珀是彻底的保守右翼主义者，十年的总统，没功劳也有苦劳，被加拿大拋弃。上个月他的新书发布只敢躲在川普的狐狸台露个小脸，加拿大媒体还没放过他，嘲讽他写的东西。你们这些义和团小红粉太不给力了。

 

[ccc]

自由党，NDP: 左，极左
保守党： 中
人民党：中偏右

人民党是必须滴啊！

 

[ccc]

Left or right? which government you would like to have?

啥意思，一党世世代代执政？

联邦保守党是被你们害惨了。

 

[A Special Day]

没啥新鲜的，100多年前的定义拿出来惑人。
right now 全世界都在反川普，除了你们还在捧他臭脚外。哈珀是彻底的保守右翼主义者，十年的总统，没功劳也有苦劳，被加拿大拋弃。上个月他的新书发布只敢躲在川普的狐狸台露个小脸，加拿大媒体还没放过他，嘲讽他写的东西。你们这些义和团小红粉太不给力了。

Why does Stephen Harper have Trump’s back?

Donald Trump’s trip to France earned worse reviews than Battlefield Earth.

On his way into the country, Trump attacked French President Emmanuel Macron and berated British Prime Minister Theresa May on the phone. Once he arrived, he was mocked around the world for skipping a visit to a war memorial because of rain. He brooded over bad midterm results at home, vented on his staff, had to listen sullenly while Macron warned about Trumpian nationalism and, on the way home, unleashed a Twitter torrent of abuse on his hosts.

“He’s just a bull carrying his own china shop with him whenever he travels the world,” presidential historian Douglas Brinkley told the Washington Post.

The reviews were universally bad. The journey did him no good and left everyone else looking at their shoes—unless you happened to ask former Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper. Harper attacked Macron and backed Trump during an interviewpromoting his book in Abu Dhabi, in the United Arab Emirates.

It is a cheap shot.

READ MORE: Stephen Harper says the world needs more Stephen Harper

Macron made his comments about nationalism at the ceremony marking 100 years since the end of the First World War, which killed 1.7 million French soldiers and civilians—a catastrophe that has deeply scarred that country. Macron warned—sensibly enough—against the “old demons” that caused his country such misery.

“Nationalism is a betrayal of patriotism. By saying our interests first, who cares about the others, we erase what a nation holds dearest, what gives it life, what makes it great and what is essential: its moral values.”

Harper saw Macron’s warning as—coincidentally—just the kind of thing Harper warned against in his book: “disconnected elitism.” “I don’t think you can fault Donald Trump,” Harper said. “I don’t think it’s ever reasonable to fault the president of the United States for believing in the United States, any more than I would find fault with the president of France if he believed in France.”

Harper’s attack on Macron looks like name-calling motivated by partisan ill will. (In what sense is Macron more elitist than Harper himself? I can’t see it.) It is an empty attack, more appropriate for a campaigning politician than a statesman. In the interview, Harper acknowledges that populists like Trump have authoritarian tendencies, but warns against the “much greater risk” posed by Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn.

And Trump isn’t that bad, he says.

“Can these movements take these countries in a more extreme and authoritarian direction? Sure. But I think that has to be evaluated on its merits. I hear this complaint about Mr. Trump but it seems to me he operates entirely in the U.S. system of government,” he says.

Harper’s comments about Macron are of a piece with his political career, which was marked by remorseless partisanship. His book is much the same. It is at its best when Harper unleashes his inner wonk, acknowledging his government’s errors with the Temporary Foreign Workers program, for example, or itemizing its real achievements in immigration policy.

But his big-picture analysis of the rise of populism is too ideological to be persuasive for anyone who is not as conservative as Paul Ryan.

A recurring theme of the book is that Harper is absolutely certain that Trump would be better than Sanders and his ilk. “The Trumps and the Brexiteers at least want to fix what is not working with democratic, market-based economies,” he writes. “The Sanderses and the Corbyns of this world, permanently stuck in their adolescent rage, would burn the system to the ground.”

I find it hard to follow Harper very far down this path. So far as I can tell, Sanders wants to reform American capitalism so that it more closely resembles its mildly socialistic neighbour to the north, where everyone has health care.

Harper is certain that the kind of social welfare policies that Canadians enjoy would bring ruin to the United States, but does not explain why.

And his critique of the elite failure that led to Brexit and the rise of Trump is similarly silent on inconvenient facts. He makes interesting observations about doctrinaire globalists who negotiated trade deals blindly, without sufficient regard to their national interest, and repeatedly warns that they were foolish to ignore the concerns of “those who shower after work, not just those who shower before it.”

But he says nothing about the role that automation played in destroying the jobs of the rust belt workers who voted for Trump, and nothing about the way Trump blamed immigration, using racism to rally his voters, the central political fact of Trumpism.


Harper suggests leaders should heed public sentiment and be firm on immigration, and warns at length about the rise of what he calls “alienism,” the opposite of nativism, “an extreme anti-nationalism” that “reflexively identifies with other cultures and denigrates one’s own society.”

And he is vicious about professors, who poison the political system from “the only communist bastion of the post-Cold War era: Western academia.”

The villains he identifies—extreme campus lefties and bores who hate their own culture—are real enough, but it seems weird to be so fixated on them, and wrong to identify them as the guideposts of the centre left.

Harper still seems like a surprisingly angry man: talented, interesting and successful but still—for some reason—really really peeved.

 

[lfe634]

我希望有一種政府，能為每個人民依他的能力與潛力量身訂做他的權利與義務。
不然左或右都是多數人暴力。

 

[uglyducking]

我希望有一種政府，能為每個人民依他的能力與潛力量身訂做他的權利與義務。
不然左或右都是多數人暴力。