期待：中国与沟谷的双赢
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看看美国的主流媒体是怎么说的，有助于看穿搂主贴子的欺骗性和虚伪：
美国《新闻周刊》：跟中国作对，没有任何机会
美国《新闻周刊》1月25日（提前出版）文章，原题：跟中国作对，没有任何机会
过去30年，西方对中国的预测十有八九都是错误的，这已是一个板上钉钉的事实。他们声称：中国经济增长率被夸大；一场大危机迫在眉睫；国家的控制将逐渐减弱；全球媒体的影响将一步步削弱共产党的权力。西方人预测中国之所以表现如此糟糕，是因为他们总是用西方模式和经验来解释中国。但除非我们试着着眼于中国自身来认识它，否则对中国的看法将一错再错。
谷歌事件在很大程度上说明中国的现在及将来。在西方，互联网一直被视为思想和信息自由交换的最典型表达。但中国政府让世人看到，互联网可以被有效监控。谷歌欲“整合全球信息，使人人皆可访问并从中受益”的抱负，与中国统治者怀有的控制之必要和责任的古老观念相抵触。这场战役只有一个赢家：中国。谷歌要么接受中国监管，要么退出世界最大的互联网市场。
我们日益清晰地看到，中国注定会成为世界最大经济体，并有可能超过美国。权力平衡在向中国转移。对于一个公司来说，占据美国市场大份额曾是角逐全球的前提条件，而这个角色将越来越由中国市场充当，只是中国的分量要大得多，因为它的人口是美国的4倍。而且随着中国经济影响力的扩大，其政府所享有的全球权威也快速上升。
中国截然不同于西方，做事方式或思维习惯迥异于我们。直面这个事实远不如想象的那么简单。尽管种种预言预测其终结，但国家在中国人生活中仍无所不在，仍然拥有大多数大型企业，善于找到新办法抵御美国的全球媒体影响。西方观察家通常认为中国政府的这种介入出于恐惧，但国家为什么在中国社会中扮演如此重要的角色有更深层原因。在中国人看来，国家不是一种异己的存在，而是社会的化身和守护者。原因深藏于中国历史。中国至少2000年前就已是一个文明国家。维护中国文明的完整被视为最重要的政治任务和国家的神圣使命，因而国家在中国具有与西方不可比拟的独一无二的角色。
中国的现代性将不会像西方的现代性，一个由中国主宰的世界将不同于我们自己的世界。一个结果已经在发展中世界出现：国家重新变得流行,华盛顿共识黯然失色。在这个崭新的世界中，中国人的思维方式(从儒家价值及国家观到家庭和子女抚养)将越来越有影响力。谷歌的命运是未来世界的一个征兆，我们越早认识到一个由中国主宰的世界的本质，也就越能更好地与之打交道。▲（作者马丁•雅克，汪析译）
http://post.news.tom.com/s/34000AB32071.html?source=HP_LATEST
美国《新闻周刊》：跟中国作对，没有任何机会
美国《新闻周刊》1月25日（提前出版）文章，原题：跟中国作对，没有任何机会
过去30年，西方对中国的预测十有八九都是错误的，这已是一个板上钉钉的事实。他们声称：中国经济增长率被夸大；一场大危机迫在眉睫；国家的控制将逐渐减弱；全球媒体的影响将一步步削弱共产党的权力。西方人预测中国之所以表现如此糟糕，是因为他们总是用西方模式和经验来解释中国。但除非我们试着着眼于中国自身来认识它，否则对中国的看法将一错再错。
谷歌事件在很大程度上说明中国的现在及将来。在西方，互联网一直被视为思想和信息自由交换的最典型表达。但中国政府让世人看到，互联网可以被有效监控。谷歌欲“整合全球信息，使人人皆可访问并从中受益”的抱负，与中国统治者怀有的控制之必要和责任的古老观念相抵触。这场战役只有一个赢家：中国。谷歌要么接受中国监管，要么退出世界最大的互联网市场。
我们日益清晰地看到，中国注定会成为世界最大经济体，并有可能超过美国。权力平衡在向中国转移。对于一个公司来说，占据美国市场大份额曾是角逐全球的前提条件，而这个角色将越来越由中国市场充当，只是中国的分量要大得多，因为它的人口是美国的4倍。而且随着中国经济影响力的扩大，其政府所享有的全球权威也快速上升。
中国截然不同于西方，做事方式或思维习惯迥异于我们。直面这个事实远不如想象的那么简单。尽管种种预言预测其终结，但国家在中国人生活中仍无所不在，仍然拥有大多数大型企业，善于找到新办法抵御美国的全球媒体影响。西方观察家通常认为中国政府的这种介入出于恐惧，但国家为什么在中国社会中扮演如此重要的角色有更深层原因。在中国人看来，国家不是一种异己的存在，而是社会的化身和守护者。原因深藏于中国历史。中国至少2000年前就已是一个文明国家。维护中国文明的完整被视为最重要的政治任务和国家的神圣使命，因而国家在中国具有与西方不可比拟的独一无二的角色。
中国的现代性将不会像西方的现代性，一个由中国主宰的世界将不同于我们自己的世界。一个结果已经在发展中世界出现：国家重新变得流行,华盛顿共识黯然失色。在这个崭新的世界中，中国人的思维方式(从儒家价值及国家观到家庭和子女抚养)将越来越有影响力。谷歌的命运是未来世界的一个征兆，我们越早认识到一个由中国主宰的世界的本质，也就越能更好地与之打交道。▲（作者马丁•雅克，汪析译）
http://post.news.tom.com/s/34000AB32071.html?source=HP_LATEST
日本货、法国货。。。不如抵制蠢货显然，不只是中国人关心这事儿。这里有些有些人会喜欢的西方人的评论
：
Google vs China: Does the internet giant really deserve our praise?
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/w...the-internet-giant-really-deserve-our-praise/
：Google vs China: Does the internet giant really deserve our praise?
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/w...the-internet-giant-really-deserve-our-praise/
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- 2003-04-13
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美国《新闻周刊》：跟中国作对，没有任何机会
不确定中文稿翻译是否严谨，找来原文粗略过了一下，觉得翻译基本准确。不过看英文原汁原味，更能感觉到字里行间的深刻寓意。
看了一个西方人的议论，颇感政治上的顽固不化是多么的无知与愚昧。
http://www.newsweek.com/id/231130
No Chance Against China
Google's defeat foretells the day when Beijing rules the world.
By Martin Jacques | NEWSWEEK
Published Jan 16, 2010
From the magazine issue dated Jan 25, 2010
The blunt truth is that most Western forecasters have been wrong about China for the past 30 years. They have claimed that Chinese economic growth was exaggerated, that a big crisis was imminent, that state controls would fade away, and that exposure to global media, notably the Internet, would steadily undermine the Communist Party's authority. The reason why China forecasting has such a poor track record is that Westerners constantly invoke the model and experience of the West to explain China, and it is a false prophet. Until we start trying to understand China on its own terms, rather than as a Western-style nation in the making, we will continue to get it wrong.
The Google affair tells us much about what China is and what it will be like. The Internet has been seen in the West as the quintessential expression of the free exchange of ideas and information, untrammeled by government interference and increasingly global in reach. But the Chinese government has shown that the Internet can be successfully filtered and controlled. Google's mission, "to organize the world's information and make it universally accessible and useful," has clashed with the age-old presumption of Chinese rulers of the need and responsibility to control. In this battle, there will be only one winner: China. Google will be obliged either to accept Chinese regulations or exit the world's largest Internet market, with serious consequences for its long-term global ambitions. This is a metaphor for our times: America's most dynamic company cannot take on the Chinese government—even on an issue like free and open information—and win.
Moreover, as China becomes increasingly important as a market and player, what happens to the Internet in China will have profound consequences for the Internet globally. It is already clear that the Google model of a free and open Internet, an exemplar of the American idea of the future, cannot and will not prevail. China's Internet will continue to be policed and controlled, information filtered, sites prohibited, noncompliant search engines excluded, and sensitive search words disallowed. And where China goes, others, also informed by different values, are already and will follow. The Internet, far from being a great big unified global space, will be fragmented and segmented. Another Western shibboleth about the future will thereby fall. It will not signal the end of the free flow of information—notwithstanding all the controls, the Internet has transformed the volume and quality of information available to Chinese citizens—but it will take place more on Chinese than Western terms.
If we want to understand the future, we need to go back to the drawing board. China—as we can see with increasing clarity—is destined to become the world's largest economy and is likely in time to far outdistance the U.S. This process will remorselessly shift the balance of power in China's favor. Just as once a large share of the American market was a precondition for a firm being a major global player, this mantle will increasingly be assumed instead by the Chinese market, except to a far greater extent because its population is four times the size. Furthermore, China's expanding economic clout means that its government is enjoying rapidly growing global authority. It can even take on Google and be sure of victory.
Facing up to the fact that China is very different from the West, that it simply does not work or think like us, is proving far more difficult. A classic illustration is the West's failure to understand the strength and durability of the Chinese state, which defies all predictions of its demise, remains omnipresent in Chinese lives, still owns most major firms, and proves remarkably adept at finding new ways to counter the influence of the U.S. global media. Western observers typically explain the intrusiveness of the Chinese government in terms of paranoia—and in a huge and diverse country the rulers have always seen instability as an ever-present danger—but there is a deeper reason why the state enjoys such a high-profile role in Chinese society.
It is seen by the Chinese not as an alien presence to be constantly pruned back, as in the West, especially the U.S., but as the embodiment and guardian of society. Rather than alien, it is seen as an intimate, in the manner of the head of the household. It might seem an extraordinary proposition, but the Chinese state enjoys a remarkable legitimacy among its people, greater than in Western societies. And the reason lies deep in China's history. China may call itself a nation-state (although only for the past century), but in essence it is a civilization-state dating back at least two millennia. Maintaining the unity of Chinese civilization is regarded as the most important political priority and seen as the sacred task of the state, hence its unique role: there is no Western parallel.
Chinese modernity will not resemble Western modernity, and a world dominated by China will not resemble our own. One consequence is already apparent in the developing world: the state is back in fashion; the Washington Consensus has been eclipsed. In this new world, Chinese ways of thinking—from Confucian values and their notion of the state to the family and parenting—will become increasingly influential. Google's fate is a sign of the world to come, and the sooner we come to appreciate the nature of a world run by China, the better we will be able to deal with it.
Jacques is the author of When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order
不确定中文稿翻译是否严谨，找来原文粗略过了一下，觉得翻译基本准确。不过看英文原汁原味，更能感觉到字里行间的深刻寓意。
看了一个西方人的议论，颇感政治上的顽固不化是多么的无知与愚昧。
http://www.newsweek.com/id/231130
No Chance Against China
Google's defeat foretells the day when Beijing rules the world.
By Martin Jacques | NEWSWEEK
Published Jan 16, 2010
From the magazine issue dated Jan 25, 2010
The blunt truth is that most Western forecasters have been wrong about China for the past 30 years. They have claimed that Chinese economic growth was exaggerated, that a big crisis was imminent, that state controls would fade away, and that exposure to global media, notably the Internet, would steadily undermine the Communist Party's authority. The reason why China forecasting has such a poor track record is that Westerners constantly invoke the model and experience of the West to explain China, and it is a false prophet. Until we start trying to understand China on its own terms, rather than as a Western-style nation in the making, we will continue to get it wrong.
The Google affair tells us much about what China is and what it will be like. The Internet has been seen in the West as the quintessential expression of the free exchange of ideas and information, untrammeled by government interference and increasingly global in reach. But the Chinese government has shown that the Internet can be successfully filtered and controlled. Google's mission, "to organize the world's information and make it universally accessible and useful," has clashed with the age-old presumption of Chinese rulers of the need and responsibility to control. In this battle, there will be only one winner: China. Google will be obliged either to accept Chinese regulations or exit the world's largest Internet market, with serious consequences for its long-term global ambitions. This is a metaphor for our times: America's most dynamic company cannot take on the Chinese government—even on an issue like free and open information—and win.
Moreover, as China becomes increasingly important as a market and player, what happens to the Internet in China will have profound consequences for the Internet globally. It is already clear that the Google model of a free and open Internet, an exemplar of the American idea of the future, cannot and will not prevail. China's Internet will continue to be policed and controlled, information filtered, sites prohibited, noncompliant search engines excluded, and sensitive search words disallowed. And where China goes, others, also informed by different values, are already and will follow. The Internet, far from being a great big unified global space, will be fragmented and segmented. Another Western shibboleth about the future will thereby fall. It will not signal the end of the free flow of information—notwithstanding all the controls, the Internet has transformed the volume and quality of information available to Chinese citizens—but it will take place more on Chinese than Western terms.
If we want to understand the future, we need to go back to the drawing board. China—as we can see with increasing clarity—is destined to become the world's largest economy and is likely in time to far outdistance the U.S. This process will remorselessly shift the balance of power in China's favor. Just as once a large share of the American market was a precondition for a firm being a major global player, this mantle will increasingly be assumed instead by the Chinese market, except to a far greater extent because its population is four times the size. Furthermore, China's expanding economic clout means that its government is enjoying rapidly growing global authority. It can even take on Google and be sure of victory.
Facing up to the fact that China is very different from the West, that it simply does not work or think like us, is proving far more difficult. A classic illustration is the West's failure to understand the strength and durability of the Chinese state, which defies all predictions of its demise, remains omnipresent in Chinese lives, still owns most major firms, and proves remarkably adept at finding new ways to counter the influence of the U.S. global media. Western observers typically explain the intrusiveness of the Chinese government in terms of paranoia—and in a huge and diverse country the rulers have always seen instability as an ever-present danger—but there is a deeper reason why the state enjoys such a high-profile role in Chinese society.
It is seen by the Chinese not as an alien presence to be constantly pruned back, as in the West, especially the U.S., but as the embodiment and guardian of society. Rather than alien, it is seen as an intimate, in the manner of the head of the household. It might seem an extraordinary proposition, but the Chinese state enjoys a remarkable legitimacy among its people, greater than in Western societies. And the reason lies deep in China's history. China may call itself a nation-state (although only for the past century), but in essence it is a civilization-state dating back at least two millennia. Maintaining the unity of Chinese civilization is regarded as the most important political priority and seen as the sacred task of the state, hence its unique role: there is no Western parallel.
Chinese modernity will not resemble Western modernity, and a world dominated by China will not resemble our own. One consequence is already apparent in the developing world: the state is back in fashion; the Washington Consensus has been eclipsed. In this new world, Chinese ways of thinking—from Confucian values and their notion of the state to the family and parenting—will become increasingly influential. Google's fate is a sign of the world to come, and the sooner we come to appreciate the nature of a world run by China, the better we will be able to deal with it.
Jacques is the author of When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order
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