本帖由 ccc 于 2017-08-02 发布。版面名称：渥太华华人论坛
People are leaving the Trump White House in record numbers
Analysis by Chris Cillizza, CNN Editor-at-large
Updated 2:18 PM ET, Tue February 13, 2018
Washington (CNN) Donald Trump is breaking records! Just not in a good way.
More than one in three Trump administration staffers have left the White House in its first year, a pace that far eclipses the rate of departures in the previous five White Houses, according to a study done by Kathryn Dunn Tenpas of the Brookings Institute.
The pace of resignations, firings and other assorted departures from the Trump White House is twice what it was in George W. Bush's first year as president and triple that of Barack Obama's first year in office.
And, it's not just any sorts of departures; a large number of Trump's senior-most staff have left in the first year alone. Writes Dunn Tenpas:
"Six of the 12 Tier One positions saw turnover (Reince Priebus, chief of staff; Katie Walsh, deputy chief of staff; Sean Spicer, press secretary; George Sifakis, assistant to the president and director of the Office of Public Liaison; Michael Flynn, national security adviser, and KT McFarland, deputy national security adviser). By comparison, Obama lost one adviser from Tier One (Greg Craig, White House counsel), and George W. Bush did not see any turnover in these high-level positions."
And her paper came out in mid-January -- meaning that Dunn Tenpas missed a number of more recent departures, including former staff secretary Rob Porter; Rachel Brand, the third-ranking official in the Justice Department; and speechwriter David Sorensen, all of whom left in the last week.
Look at this picture. It includes some people, like former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, who were never at the White House, but who unceremoniously left Trump's orbit. Others didn't work directly at the White House, but have featured prominently in the Trump administration. And Manafort, by the way, has been charged by special counsel Robert Mueller with money laundering and filing false foreign lobbying reports. See if you can name all of the people -- each one of whom has left the White House or Trump's orbit -- in it. (Confession: I couldn't):
You get the idea. Lots and lots -- and lots -- of people have left this White House at very senior levels in a very short period of time.
Why? Here's Dunn Tenpas' theory:
"Since the President relied on many of his connections in the private sector and was reluctant to hire those who opposed him during the campaign, the absence of prior White House experience among the ranks of the senior staff was glaring. In addition, the insurgent-like features of the Trump campaign and the relatively small campaign staff limited the pool of experienced applicants. While it created new opportunities for many individuals who had not previously worked in the White House, such inexperience may have led to poor performance and a slew of first-year departures."
I think that's largely right. Despite Trump's assurances that he would hire only the "best people" for his administration, the campaign he ran made lots and lots of longtime Washington-dwellers nervous. Trump relished that freaking-out-the-squares image and promised to "drain the swamp" of Washington lifers.
The problem with doing that, of course, is that if you aren't willing to use serious political and policy thinkers in senior roles (and they are uninterested in being involved anyway), you run the risk of installing people with little to no experience in government in jobs for which they are only loosely qualified for and from which they wash out quickly.
Then there is Trump himself -- a man who resists being managed at all costs and who, when something goes wrong, immediately looks for a scapegoat on which to blame things. That's not exactly an ideal work environment.
Even for staffers he has not fired or forced to resign, Trump's public bullying seems over the line. How does calling Attorney General Jeff Sessions "beleaguered" help Sessions work harder or better? How does undercutting Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's attempts at diplomacy in North Korea make the country's senior diplomat a more effective spokesman to the world?
The chaos of Trump's first year in office is reflected and refracted in all sorts of different ways. One is his historically low poll numbers. Another is his White House's struggles to stay on message. (Happy Infrastructure Week, by the way!) Yet another is in massive amount of turnover in his staff.
There's very little continuity or comity in the Trump White House. The staff turmoil and turnover shows no signs of slowing or stopping. Chief of staff John Kelly remains under fire for his handling of the Porter situation. Communications director Hope Hicks, who had been romantically linked to Porter, has come in for further scrutiny and criticism too of late. And it's only Tuesday.
Ronald Reagan Key Administration Officials
I . White House Office
Chief of Staff
Baker, James A. III 1/21/1981-02/01/1985
Regan, Donald 02/02/1985-02/27/1987
Baker, Howard H. Jr. 02/27/1987-06/30/1988
Duberstein, Kenneth M. 07/1/1988-01/20/1989
During the first administration, Chief of Staff James A. Baker, Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver, and Counsellor to the President Edwin Meese served together as President Reagan’s lead advisors. After they left in 1985, the Chief of Staff alone held this lead role.
Deputy Chief of Staff
Deaver, Michael K. 01/21/1981-05/10/1985
Thomas, W. Dennis 07/12/1985-05/23/1987
Duberstein, Kenneth M. 03/23/1987-06/30/1988
Oglesby, M. B. Jr. 07/05/1988-01/20/1989
Dennis Thomas served as a de facto deputy chief of staff, although his official title was Assistant to the President.
Counsellor to the President
Meese, Edwin III 01/21/1981-02/24/1985
Brady, James S. 01/21/1981-02/28/1989
Principal Deputy Press Secretary
Speakes, Larry M. 06/17/1981-02/01/1987
After Press Secretary James Brady suffered serious wounds during the March 30, 1981 assassination attempt on the President, his assistant Larry Speakes assumed the Press Secretary’s day-to-day functions. Speakes was named “Principal Deputy Press Secretary” on June 17, 1981. When Speakes left, his assistant Marlin Fitzwater took over this role, with the title “Assistant to the President for Press Relations.”
Assistant to the President for Press Relations
Fitzwater, Marlin M. 02/02/1987-01/20/1989
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Allen, Richard V. 1981-1982
Clark, William P. 1982-1983
McFarlane, Robert (Bud) 1983-1985
Poindexter, John M. 1985-1986
Carlucci, Frank C. 1986-1987
Powell, Colin L. 1987-1989
Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Nance, James W. 1981-1982
McFarlane, Robert C. January 1982-October 1983
Poindexter, John M. October 1983-1986
Small, Karna 1984-1986
Powell, LTG Colin L. 1986-1987
Negroponte, John D. 1987-1989
Assistant to the President for Policy Development
Anderson, Martin January 1981-March 1982
Harper, Edwin L. March 1982-July 1983
Svahn, John A. (Jack) September 1983-1986
Bauer, Gary L. January 1987-01/21/1989
Counsel to the President
Fielding, Fred F. 1981-1986
Wallison, Peter J. 1986-1987
Culvahouse, Arthur B. 1987-1989
Assistant/Deputy Assistant to the President for Public Liaison
Dole, Elizabeth H. 1981-1983
Whittlesey, Faith R. 1983-1985
Chavez, Linda G.r) 1985-1986
Maseng, Mari 1986-1987
Range, Rebecca G. 1987-1989
Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs
Friedersdorf, Max L. January 1981-January 1982
Duberstein, Kenneth M. 1982-December 1983
Oglesby, M.B. Jr. 1983-1986
Ball, William L. III 1986-1989
Assistant/Deputy Assistant to the President for Presidential Personnel
James, E. Pendleton 1981-1982
von Damm, Helene 1982-1983
Herrington, John S. 1983-1985
Tuttle, Robert H.t) 1985-1989
Assistant/Deputy Assistant to the President for Political Affairs
Nofziger, Franklyn (Lyn) 1981-1982
Rollins, Edward J. 1982-1983
Tutwiler, Margaret D. 1984-1985
The Political Affairs office was disbanded in October 1983, with most of its staff leaving for positions in the President’s 1984 re-election campaign. During the campaign, James Baker’s assistant Margaret Tutwiler handled most political matters for the White House. She was named Deputy Assistant for Political Affairs in September 1984.
Assistant to the President for Intergovernmental Affairs
Williamson, Richard S. February 1981-May 1983
Verstandig, Lee L. June 1983-1985
Assistant to the President for Political and Intergovernmental Affairs
Rollins, Edward J. February 1985-November 1985
Daniels, Mitchell E., Jr. November 1985-March 1987
Donatelli, Frank J. March 1987-January 1989
For President Reagan’s second term, Political and Intergovernmental Affairs were combined into one office.
Assistant to the President for Cabinet Affairs
Fuller, Craig 1981-1985
Kingon, Alfred H. 1985-1987
Risque, Nancy J. 1987-1989
Office of Communications
Gergen, David R. 01/21/1981-01/15/1984
Buchanan, Patrick J. 02/06/1985-03/01/1987
Koehler, John O. 03/01/1987-03/09/1987
Griscom, Thomas C. 04/02/1987-07/16/1988
Maseng, Mari 07/01/1988-01/20/1989
At the start of the Administration, Staff Director David Gergen oversaw the Office of Communications and the Office of Speechwriting. Gergen was named Assistant to the President for Communications in mid-1981. After Mr. Gergen left the White House staff, the Communications office became a unit within the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff. Communications was reestablished as a separate office in February 1985.
Physician to the President
Ruge, Dr. Daniel A. 1/20/1981-12/31/1986
Hutton, Dr. John E. 01/01/1987-01/20/1989
II. Executive Office of the President
Director, Office of Management and Budget (OMB)
Stockman, David A. 1981-1985
Miller, James C. III 1985-1988
Wright, Joseph R. Jr. 1988-1989
Deputy Director, Office of Management and Budget (OMB)
Harper, Edwin L. 1981-1982
Wright, Joseph R. Jr. 1982-1988
Cogan, John F. 1988-1989
Chairman, Council of Economic Advisors (CEA)
Weidenbaum, Murray L. 1981-1982
Feldstein, Martin 1982-1984
Niskanen, William (Acting)1984-1985
Sprinkel, Beryl W. 1985-1989
Members, Council of Economic Advisors (CEA)
Niskanen, William A. 1981-1985
Moore, Thomas Gale 1983-1989
Jordan, Jerry 1981-1982
Poole, William VII 1982-1984
Mussa, Michael L. 1985-1989
United States Trade Representative (USTR)
Brock, William E. III 1981-1985
Yeutter, Clayton 1985-1989
Science Advisor and Director, Office of Science & Technology Policy
Keyworth, George A., II 1981-1985
Graham, William R., Jr. 1986-1989
Bannon arrives at a closed-door meeting with the House Intelligence Committee on Thursday. Aaron P. Bernstein / Getty Images
After a more than four-week stalemate, Bannon also returned to Capitol Hill Thursday to resume his interview with the House Intelligence Committee that was halted when he earlier refused to answer key questions in the Russia probe.
He left today after four hours, answering little more than the two dozen questions that the White House had negotiated with the House’s lead counsel.
The committee had issued a subpoena in their initial Jan. 16 interview when Bannon would not address issues that arose during his time on the Trump transition team, in the White House and after he left his top position there. The subpoena deadline was postponed three times as House lawyers negotiated with the White House over what Bannon would be willing to discuss without the White House invoking executive privilege to bar the testimony.
Lawmakers indicated Thursday that his continued non-cooperation might require the committee to take the next step and consider beginning the process of holding Bannon in contempt of Congress.
“The only questions he would answer were questions that had been scripted, literally scripted for him by the White House,” Rep. Adam Schiff, the ranking Democrat on the committee, told reporters. “Whenever we sought to probe anything beyond the four corners of the specific wording of the question, he refused to answer. That’s not how executive privilege works.”
Rep. Mike Conaway, the lead Republican on the committee’s Russia probe, said he would work with House Speaker Paul Ryan and House lawyers to further probe the executive privilege claims made Thursday and determine whether contempt proceedings were appropriate.
(CNN) On Friday afternoon, the Justice Department announced that special counsel Robert Mueller had indicted 13 Russian nationals for their roles in attempted meddling in the 2016 election.
Most of these people do not live in the United States, and you can bet your bottom dollar that Russia won't be extraditing them any time soon. But that's not the point.
The point is this: The indictments of a baker's dozen of Russians gives us a very clear window into not only the depth and breadth of the Mueller investigation, but also makes crystal clear what the Russians wanted in the 2016 election and the elaborate measures they undertook to make it happen.
This paragraph stands out:
"Defendant ORGANIZATION had a strategic goal to sow discord in the U.S. political system, including the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Defendants posted derogatory information about a number of candidates, and by early to mid-2016, Defendants' operations included supporting the presidential campaign of then-candidate Donald J. Trump ("Trump Campaign") and disparaging Hillary Clinton. Defendants made various expenditures to carry out those activities, including buying political advertisements on social media in the names of U.S. persons and entities. Defendants also staged political rallies inside the United States, and while posing as U.S. grassroots entities and U.S. persons, and without revealing their Russian identities and ORGANIZATION affiliation, solicited and compensated real U.S. persons to promote or disparage candidates. Some Defendants, posing as U.S. persons and without revealing their Russian association, communicated with unwitting individuals associated with the Trump Campaign and with other political activists to seek to coordinate political activities."
OK. So what we know from that paragraph of the charging documents, which you can read in full here, is this:
By "early to mid-2016," Russians had decided to use whatever means at their disposal to help Donald Trump win.
The Russians bought political ads on social media sites and organized political rallies to achieve those goals.
Russians, disguising their identities, "communicated with unwitting individuals associated with the Trump campaign" in an attempt to "coordinate political activities."
None of that is a smoking gun of collusion.
"Unwitting" members of Trumpworld working with Russians, who didn't identify themselves as Russians, is not the same as a willful effort on behalf of members of the Trump campaign to actively collude with the Russian government.
But what this latest set of indictments proves beyond a shadow of a doubt is that, yes, Russia staged an aggressive and elaborate effort to influence the 2016 election.
This was a multi-pronged campaign -- social media, in-person meetings, political rallies -- by the Russians to beat Hillary Clinton and elect Donald Trump. It employed hundreds of people.
That analysis, of course, jibes with the unanimous conclusion of the intelligence community in 2017 that Russia actively sought to influence the 2016 election in support of Trump.
What it runs directly counter to is Trump's ongoing -- and persistent -- attempts to cast the entire special counsel investigation as nothing more than a politically motivated sideshow.
Here's a sampling of Trump's recent tweets touching on Mueller's investigation.
"This memo totally vindicates 'Trump' in probe. But the Russian Witch Hunt goes on and on. Their was no Collusion and there was no Obstruction (the word now used because, after one year of looking endlessly and finding NOTHING, collusion is dead)." (2/3/18)
"The single greatest Witch Hunt in American history continues. There was no collusion, everybody including the Dems knows there was no collusion, & yet on and on it goes. Russia & the world is laughing at the stupidity they are witnessing. Republicans should finally take control!" (1/10/18)
"The Russia-Trump collusion story is a total hoax, when will this taxpayer funded charade end?" (5/8/17)
There's lots (and lots) more tweets and quotes just like that from the President. Trump has suggested the attempted election hacking could have been perpetrated by China or even as a "guy sitting on their bed who weighs 400 pounds."
You get the idea. Despite the unanimous conclusion of the intelligence community -- including Trump's CIA Director Mike Pompeo and his FBI Director Christopher Wray -- that Russia engaged in a coordinated effort to meddle in the 2017 election, Trump still wasn't convinced.
Of course, this changes nothing when it comes to how Trump will respond. Even Friday afternoon, Trump tweeted about the Russian indictments, once again beating the "no collusion" drum.
"Russia started their anti-US campaign in 2014, long before I announced that I would run for President," Trump tweeted. "The results of the election were not impacted. The Trump campaign did nothing wrong - no collusion!"
But if it was very hard to hold the Trumpian position -- it might have been Russia, it might have been someone else! -- with a shred of intellectual honesty prior to Friday, it's impossible now.
Consider what the Mueller investigation has already done:
Former national security adviser Michael Flynn has pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about his contacts with Russians during the 2016 campaign and is cooperating with the Mueller investigation.
Former foreign policy adviser George Papadopoulos has pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about his contacts with Russians during the 2016 campaign and is cooperating with the Mueller investigation.
Former deputy campaign chairman Rick Gates is reportedly on the verge of signing a plea agreement and cooperating with Mueller. Gates faces a variety of charges, including money laundering and other financial crimes.
Former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort faces a variety of charges of financial crimes
13 Russians have been indicted on participating in a broad-scale attempt to throw the election to Trump.
That is not the stuff of witch hunts and hoaxes. Those are real-life charges which carry at least the possibility of real jail time.
And they all make a simple point: It's long past time for Trump to stop name-calling an investigation that has uncovered a massive effort for a foreign government to meddle in a US presidential election.
Washington (CNN) President Donald Trump hasn't had a lot of good weeks since becoming president last January. But this one looks like one of the worst.
Trump was buffeted on virtually every front -- the Russia investigation, issues of his personal conduct prior to becoming president, staffing at the White House, crisis response -- over the past week, and, as is often the case, his own public comments made things worse, not better.
+Here's a quick review of the major -- and majorly bad -- news of the past five days for Trump:
Special counsel Robert Mueller issued indictments for 13 Russians for their role in a massive election meddling plot that roped in "unwitting" Trump campaign officials in its web. The depth and breath of the Russia strategy to influence the 2016 election runs directly counter to Trump's attempts to cast the entire Russia investigation as a "total hoax: and a "witch hunt."
Rick Gates, a former senior adviser to Trump's 2016 campaign, is nearing a plea deal with special counsel Robert Mueller. Gates would be the third member of Trump's campaign to cooperate with the Mueller investigation into Russia's attempted meddling in the 2016 election and possible collusion with the Trump campaign.
Ronan Farrow reports in The New Yorker of an alleged affair between former Playboy Playmate Karen McDougal and Trump. McDougal's story of Trump's courtship of her and their alleged affair bears many similarities to account by Daniels and former reality TV star Summer Zervos.
The Rob Porter debacle rages into a second week. Now 10 days after the initial reports of alleged domestic abuse against both of his ex-wives by the former White House staff secretary, the White House still can't get its story -- or timeline -- straight. On Tuesday, FBI Director Christopher Wray directly contradicted the White House' account that Porter's background check was in process -- making clear that the FBI had closed the case file on Porter in January. White House chief of staff John Kelly sits in the middle of this crisis communications disaster, having apparently not told his staff the whole truth at the start of all of this. Reports of Trump privately fuming -- at Kelly, at the situation -- are everywhere even as the the White House insists the president continues to have confidence in Kelly.
Less than 24 hours after the murder of 17 people at a Florida school, Trump takes to Twitter to offer his thoughts. "So many signs that the Florida shooter was mentally disturbed, even expelled from school for bad and erratic behavior," he tweeted on Thursday morning. "Neighbors and classmates knew he was a big problem. Must always report such instances to authorities, again and again!" While Trump strikes a more conciliatory tone later on Thursday, it's the tweet that gets the most attention. Trump also faced a series of calls -- from parents of the those killed in the Parkland shooting and students who survived -- to do something to curtail the number of school shootings in the country.
EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt's penchant for first-class flights went public. The Washington Post first detailed the massive expenditures for Pruitt to fly first- and business class -- often on jaunts as quick as DC to New York. Pruitt defended himself by saying he was regularly being threatened -- people know what the EPA administrator looks like by sight? -- by passengers and that the first-class accommodations were born of necessity.
An inspector general's report shows that Veterans Administration head David Shulkin's chief of staff doctored an email and made a series of false statements in order to justify the use of government funds for Shulkin's wife to accompany him on a trip to Europe in 2017. On Capitol Hill on Thursday, Shulkin admitted to lawmakers that "the optics of this are not good."
That would be a bad month for most presidents. Hell, it might even be enough for a bad year. But this was ONE WEEK for Trump. And I didn't even include the fact that the the Trump-backed immigration plan got only 39 votes in the Senate -- with 11 Republicans defecting. Or that Democrats just keep winning state legislative seats that Trump carried in 2016, a potential precursor to a major anti-GOP wave in the 2018 midterms.
Whether you love Trump or loathe him, it's impossible to conclude that this week has been anything short of a disaster for him. On every front, things got worse for Trump over the past five days. (If you go back a week, you include Trump's tone-deaf tweet in response to the allegations against Porter and his decision not to release the memo from Democrats on the House Intelligence Committee.)
Weeks like this may not worry Trump -- whose re-election bid is still a ways off. But, for congressional Republicans desperate to hold their House and Senate majorities come November 6, they simply can't afford the Republican president to rack up many more weeks like this.
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