老何请进！
- 主题发起人 枪在手
- 开始时间
- 注册
- 2004-07-18
- 消息
- 46,694
- 荣誉分数
- 20,494
- 声望点数
- 1,393
- 注册
- 2002-01-28
- 消息
- 15,947
- 荣誉分数
- 3,922
- 声望点数
- 373
以前读过，没背过 :blowzy:
一个幽灵，枪在手， 在CFC上空徘徊
俺不喜欢“徘徊”2字，俺喜欢“游荡”2字:blowzy:
人在拿不定主意是才“徘徊”， 老何别减了俺的“灵气”
- 注册
- 2002-01-28
- 消息
- 15,947
- 荣誉分数
- 3,922
- 声望点数
- 373
- 注册
- 2004-07-18
- 消息
- 46,694
- 荣誉分数
- 20,494
- 声望点数
- 1,393
共产党宣言
一个幽灵，共产主义的幽灵，在欧洲游荡。为了对这个幽灵进行神圣的围剿，旧欧洲的一切势力，教皇和沙皇、梅特涅和基佐、法国的激进派和德国的警察，都联合起来了。
有哪一个反对党不被它的当政的敌人骂为共产党呢？又有哪一个反对党不拿共产主义这个罪名去回敬更进步的反对党人和自己的反动敌人呢？
从这一事实中可以得出两个结论：
共产主义已经被欧洲的一切势力公认为一种势力；
现在是共产党人向全世界公开说明自己的观点、自己的目的、自己的意图并且拿党自己的宣言来反驳关于共产主义幽灵的神话的时候了。
为了这个目的，各国共产党人集会于伦敦，拟定了如下的宣言，用英文、法文、德文、意大利文、弗拉芒文和丹麦文公布于世。
一个幽灵，共产主义的幽灵，在欧洲游荡。为了对这个幽灵进行神圣的围剿，旧欧洲的一切势力，教皇和沙皇、梅特涅和基佐、法国的激进派和德国的警察，都联合起来了。
有哪一个反对党不被它的当政的敌人骂为共产党呢？又有哪一个反对党不拿共产主义这个罪名去回敬更进步的反对党人和自己的反动敌人呢？
从这一事实中可以得出两个结论：
共产主义已经被欧洲的一切势力公认为一种势力；
现在是共产党人向全世界公开说明自己的观点、自己的目的、自己的意图并且拿党自己的宣言来反驳关于共产主义幽灵的神话的时候了。
为了这个目的，各国共产党人集会于伦敦，拟定了如下的宣言，用英文、法文、德文、意大利文、弗拉芒文和丹麦文公布于世。
- 注册
- 2004-07-18
- 消息
- 46,694
- 荣誉分数
- 20,494
- 声望点数
- 1,393
- 注册
- 2003-04-13
- 消息
- 241,300
- 荣誉分数
- 37,904
- 声望点数
- 1,393
看看英文译本, 再对照中文译本.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Communist_Manifesto
The Manifesto is divided into an introduction, three substantive sections, and a conclusion.
[edit] IntroductionThe short preamble to the main text of the Manifesto involves Marx and Engels briefly commenting on the fear that they believe the governments of Europe hold of communism, and also offers a short bit of advice as to how the European communists should proceed to promote their cause. As they open the text:
A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the opposition party that has not been decried as communist by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition party that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?[10]
Continuing on from this, they went on to declare that "It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself."[11]
[edit] I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
The first chapter of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", examines the Marxist conception of history, describing how:
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.[12]
The section goes on to argue that the class struggle under capitalism is between those who own the means of production, the ruling class or bourgeoisie, and those who labour for a wage, the working class or proletariat.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It ... has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “payment in cash” ... for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation ... Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
However:
The essential condition for the existence and rule of the bourgeois class is the accumulation of wealth in private hands, the formation and increase of capital; the essential condition of capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests entirely on the competition among the workers.
This section further explains that the proletarians will eventually rise to power through class struggle: the bourgeoisie constantly exploits the proletariat for its manual labour and cheap wages, ultimately to create profit for the bourgeois; the proletariat rise to power through revolution against the bourgeoisie such as riots or creation of unions. The Communist Manifesto states that while there is still class struggle amongst society, capitalism will be overthrown by the proletariat only to start again in the near future; ultimately communism is the key to class equality amongst the citizens of Europe.
[edit] II. Proletarians and CommunistsThe second section, "Proletarians and Communists," starts by outlining the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class:
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
It goes on to defend communism from various objections, such as the claim that communists advocate "free love", and the claim that people will not perform labor in a communist society because they have no incentive to work.
The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands:
Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
Abolition of all right of inheritance.
Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equitable distribution of the population over the country.
Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production.[13]
The implementation of these policies would, the authors believed, be a precursor to the stateless and classless society.
One particularly controversial passage deals with this transitional period:
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
It is this concept of the transition from socialism to communism which many critics of the Manifesto, particularly during and after the Soviet era, have highlighted. Anarchists, liberals, and conservatives have all asked how an organization such as the revolutionary state could ever (as Engels put it elsewhere) "wither away."
In a related dispute, later Marxists make a separation between "socialism", a society ruled by workers, and "communism", a classless society. Engels wrote little and Marx wrote less on the specifics of the transition to communism, so the authenticity of this distinction remains a matter of dispute.
[edit] III. Socialist and Communist LiteratureThe third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature," distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time the Manifesto was written. While the degree of reproach of Marx and Engels toward rival perspectives varies, all are eventually dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognize the preeminent role of the working class. Partly because of Marx's critique, most of the specific ideologies described in this section became politically negligible by the end of the nineteenth century.
[edit] IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition PartiesThe concluding section, "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition Parties," briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century such as France, Switzerland, Poland, and Germany. It then ends with a declaration of support for other communist revolutions and a call to action:
In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Workers of the world, unite!
二奶宣言
一个幽灵，二奶的幽灵，在中国淫荡。为了对这个幽灵进行神圣的围剿，旧婚姻的一切势力，丈人和丈母娘、小姨和大舅子、街道办的老大娘和民政局的调解员，都联合起来了。
有哪一个二奶不被它的当政的情敌大奶骂为BITCH呢？又有哪一个大奶不拿小三这个罪名去回敬更漂亮的二奶和自己的其他潜在情敌呢？
从这一事实中可以得出两个结论：
小三已经被中国的一切势力公认为一种势力；
现在是二奶们向全世界公开说明自己的观点、自己的目的、自己的意图并且拿二奶自己的宣言来反驳关于二奶幽灵的神话的时候了。
为了这个目的，各地二奶集会于南京，拟定了如下的宣言，用普通话,上海话,广东话、四川话、湖南话、河南话、东北话,山东话,湖北话,和南京话公布于世。
一个幽灵，二奶的幽灵，在中国淫荡。为了对这个幽灵进行神圣的围剿，旧婚姻的一切势力，丈人和丈母娘、小姨和大舅子、街道办的老大娘和民政局的调解员，都联合起来了。
有哪一个二奶不被它的当政的情敌大奶骂为BITCH呢？又有哪一个大奶不拿小三这个罪名去回敬更漂亮的二奶和自己的其他潜在情敌呢？
从这一事实中可以得出两个结论：
小三已经被中国的一切势力公认为一种势力；
现在是二奶们向全世界公开说明自己的观点、自己的目的、自己的意图并且拿二奶自己的宣言来反驳关于二奶幽灵的神话的时候了。
为了这个目的，各地二奶集会于南京，拟定了如下的宣言，用普通话,上海话,广东话、四川话、湖南话、河南话、东北话,山东话,湖北话,和南京话公布于世。
