香港公民抗争, 使北京当局现出专制原形.

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王德邦:香港公民抗争使北京当局现出专制原形


对香港因选举引起罢课与占中的抗争问题如何解决,北京至今主要形成了两种公开对峙的观点。其一、认为香港抗争为敌对势力参与搅局,港人图谋脱离,甚至香港可能成为威胁颠覆中央政权基地,而以阶级斗争与对敌专政的一贯思维,将抗争上纲上线定性为“颜色革命”,选择采取强硬手段,甚至不惜动用武力镇压,来平息香港抗争。持此观点者就是立足于阶级专政思维,沿袭人治与专制意识的所谓取消“一国两制”派,简称“取消派”;其二、认为香港一些民众在选举上有不同意见,此也本属正常,那种指望一致拥护的想法,原本就不现实,至于起来抗争,固然对香港经济造成影响,但本质上这仍然是个公民权利问题,而不是个国家政权问题,与大陆千千万万起民众争取权利的群体事件本质上没有什么两样,不应该过度解读而上纲上线,港府与民众应在民主与法制的平台上,通过和平协商对话途径,来解决分歧,求得共识,使“一国两制”得到深化。持此观点者属立足于民主与法治原则下的深化“一国两制”派,简称“深化派”。


北京对香港近来抗争问题处理的两种截然不同的观点,其实隐含着中国今日发展路径的分歧及交锋,从一定程度来说,香港问题是北京问题的外化,是北京矛盾的香港表述,事关中国未来是沿续在阶级专政与敌对思维下的人治与专制,还是走向现代文明的法治与民主的根本问题。


中国是在阶级斗争与对敌专政下的人治与专制中前行,还是在推进民主与法治建设下发展?这个问题从文革结束后就一直困扰着中华民族。近四十年来,在几次偶然性历史事件中,中华民族被一再推到不得不明确作出抉择的关口。 1976年后出现的“实践是检验真理的唯一标准”与“两个凡是(凡是毛主席作出的决策,我们都坚决维护;凡是毛主席的指示,我们都始终不渝地遵循)”的交锋,本质上就是推行民主与法治跟坚持阶级专政旗号下的人治与专制的交锋;1989年春夏之交,由纪念胡耀邦而演化成以“反腐败、争民主、要人权”为诉求的爱国民主运动,体制内以赵紫阳为代表提出“以事实为依据,以法律为准绳”,在民主对话与法制原则上解决学生与市民的问题。与此同时,体制内也出现了“我们没有退路了”,进而将运动定性为“这是一场有计划的阴谋,是一次动乱,其实质是要从根本上否定中国共产党的领导,否定社会主义制度。这是摆在全党和全国各族人民面前的一场严重的政治斗争。”最后断然调动正规军进城镇压。


针对八九民主运动的两种截然相反的处理方式,实质也是一个采取民主与法治途径还是坚持人治与专制途径来解决社会冲突的问题。到中共十八大以来,中共体制内的一批改革势力明确规划出了中国反腐败、依法治国与协商民主的发展路径,但是体制内不时涌现反宪政、七不讲与阶级专政学说,事实是祭起阶级专政大旗而坚守人治与专制路径。最近,针对香港民众为普选起来抗争,体制内持民主与法治原则的深化“一国两制”派与持人治与专政意识的取消“一国两制”派再度对决。香港何去何从,中国何去何从,事实上再次被置于历史的十字路口。


应该说,北京方面目前针对香港选举抗争而持相互对立观点的两方均在通过各自途径影响香港。那种沿袭过往几十年阶级专政意识,坚持人治与专制思维的“取消派”,将香港争普选权冠以颠覆政权的“颜色革命”,将民众自发罢课、占中称为敌对势力从中渗透、操控,将香港的法治与民主传统称为是威胁颠覆中国制度的桥头堡,进而采取宣传抹黑,流氓骚扰,暴力袭击等等。如此种种表面以恐吓、威胁来平息事端的手段,但实质是激化矛盾,挑起民愤,意在引起对抗,形成冲突,制造动乱,为实施暴力镇压,造成流血事件提供借口,进而绑架整个权力集团走向对暴力的依赖与对专政工具的倚重,为中国沿袭过往人治专制之路提供保障。认同人类主流文明,致力推进民主法治的“深化派”,认为香港民众争取普选权,是公民一种权利要求,目标上是正当的,是爱国爱港的,方式方法上应该遵循法制途径,避免引起社会秩序混乱,解决的途径应该是协商对话,通过对话,寻求共识,化解分歧,解决问题。


从社会平稳持续发展角度,从人民长远福祉角度,民主与法治当然是最好的选项。但是,从权力集团来看,专制与人治是他们最得心应手、最随心所欲、最为所欲为的统治方式。从一定程度来说,人类的一切权力都有走向人治与专制及逃避法治与民主的本能冲动,所以,至今世界上那些成熟的民主政体,也依然需要经常警惕权力向专制的反动。在此情况下,一个政体要想告别人治与专制是极为艰难的,必须得付出极大代价。从人类过往专制人治向民主法治转型的历史来看,当一个社会因为某种历史契机,在一些事件上被逼走到民主法治与专制人治抉择的关口时,权力体制内致力走向法治民主的力量常常是弱小于坚持人治专制的力量,也正因为如此,人类历史很少完全依靠权力自身力量而实现告别专制人治历史,而绝大多社会都是在民间努力推动,体制内开明改革力量顺应大势,最后实现民间与体制内认同法治民主力量的融合,最终达成社会和平转型。


由于人治专制的顽固性特点,现实中经常出现披挂民主法治外衣而行专制人治之实的国家,这需要人们高度警惕,认真识别,小心提防。而这种假扮的民主法治,当历史性的事件到来时,就会暴露出其人治专制的本色。当然,历史中也存在为了躲开专制人治顽固反动势力阻扰,而在某些时候与某些事上假借专制人治的形式,而推行民主法治的实质。这种迫于形势而假借人治专制外衣的民主法治,在历史的关口同样也会决然亮出自己的本色。香港今日争普选类同1989年春夏争反腐败争民主运动,都将中国时局摆上了无可回避的必需作出抉择的历史性十字路口,迫使权力集团中各派势力亮明自己的观点,直逼权力集团是坚持人治专制还是法治民主的本质。


当然,在处理香港为普选抗争问题上,中共权力体制内分歧甚至对峙的两派最后也可能在为了维护权力稳固的条件下达成妥协,进而互相利用,终至对香港形成软硬与表里不同的两手,出现强硬镇压与安抚性对话的错综复杂局面,使香港问题在哄骗、威吓、打压、安抚、分化瓦解、拖延消耗中解决。但是,就算真能如此化解,但中国走向民主法治还是延续专制人治的问题依然无法掩盖、绕越,体制内顽固坚持人治专制势力会利用一切机会制造社会事端,阻扰中国法治与民主建设。所以,香港普选抗争问题要么是意图让中国走向民主法治的“深化派”突破顽固势力的契机,要么可能成为坚持人治专制的“取消派”反攻倒算之地。


香港何去何从?中国何去何从?让我们拭目以待。


- See more at: http://bbs.creaders.net/politics/bbsviewer.php?trd_id=998416&blog_id=194206#sthash.lMVWdyhk.dpuf
 
土共好像也从来没有掩饰过这一点吧
 
土共好像也从来没有掩饰过这一点吧

土共说自己是专制?

只有老毛说自己是秦皇, 现在的核心都说法治, 宪法规定土共独享领导权。
 
65年了,才发现?忒有才了。
 
土共本来想装个好人的,还不是被港督逼的,现在现原形了,港督很开心才对。:)
 
6.4的时候还没现原形?
再现一次?
现多少次才算彻底?
 
香港何去何从? 回归历史地理定位: 中国沿海一个普通港口城市。 不管怎么抗争!
香港港货物吞吐量早已落到10名以外,集装箱吞吐量也落到上海港、深圳港后面,以后会不断后退

2013全球10大集装箱港口排名:
上海港、新加坡港、深圳港、香港港、釜山港、宁波—舟山港、青岛港、广州港、迪拜港、天津港。

2013全球10大全球港口货物吞吐量排名:
宁波—舟山港、上海港、新加坡港、天津港、广州港、苏州港、青岛港、唐山港、鹿特丹港、大连港。
 
从前是阶级斗争,一抓就灵。现在改成境外敌对势力,一抓就灵。换汤不换药。顺D者昌,逆D者亡。要保红色二代,三代,。。。万代永远控制政权。
 
香港何去何从? 回归历史地理定位: 中国沿海一个普通港口城市。 不管怎么抗争!
香港港货物吞吐量早已落到10名以外,集装箱吞吐量也落到上海港、深圳港后面,以后会不断后退

2013全球10大集装箱港口排名:
上海港、新加坡港、深圳港、香港港、釜山港、宁波—舟山港、青岛港、广州港、迪拜港、天津港。

2013全球10大全球港口货物吞吐量排名:
宁波—舟山港、上海港、新加坡港、天津港、广州港、苏州港、青岛港、唐山港、鹿特丹港、大连港。
香港是港,难道大陆的港不是港吗 这就是竞争!:evil:
 
俗话说:拉不出屎嫌地硬。香港自己经济滑坡,怪大陆没给民主和自由,不知道中央政府到底在哪一点上限制他们的民主和自由了?想当年港督可是英女王直接指定,包括总警督之类的核心职位都必须是英国人,香港人可曾敢或是能放个屁?当年亚洲金融风波席卷香港的时候,要不是有中央政府的雄厚外汇资产作后盾,香港经济早被索罗斯给干趴下了!要知道,想当年索罗斯可是拿英镑开刀赚了个盆满钵满扬名立万的!大英政府都难耐其何!当年香港满大街的“负资产”们现如今可还记得否?
 
S0D20130102090605MT979499.jpg
 
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Powers of the President of the United States

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The President of the United States has numerous powers, including those explicitly granted by Article II of the United States Constitution, implied powers, powers granted by Acts of Congress, and the influence and soft power that comes from being President of the United States of America.

The Constitution explicitly assigns to the president the power to sign or veto legislation, command the armed forces, ask for the written opinion of hisCabinet, convene or adjourn Congress, grant reprieves and pardons, and receive ambassadors. With the approval of two-thirds and one-half of the House of Representatives and the Senate, respectively, the president may make treaties and appoint Article III judges and some executive branch officers, and if there is a Senate recess, he may make temporary appointments.

Contents

Executive powersPowers related to LegislationPowers of AppointmentExecutive clemencyForeign affairsEmergency powersExecutive privilegeConstraints on presidential powerSee alsoReferences

Executive powersEdit

Within the executive branch itself, the president (if in office) has broad powers to manage national affairs and the workings of the federal government. The president can issue rules, regulations, and instructions called executive orders, which have the binding force of law upon federal agencies but do not require congressional approval.

According to the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921, the president is also responsible for preparing the United States' budget, although Congress must approve it.[1] The Office of Management and Budget assists the president with the preparation of the budget. In the past (but no longer), the president was able to impound funds as he saw fit. The power was available to all presidents and was regarded as a power inherent to the office. The Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 was passed in response to large-scale power exercises by President Nixon. This act also created the Congressional Budget Office as a legislative counterpoint to the Office of Management and Budget.

As Commander in Chief of the armed forces of the United States, the president may also call into federal service the state units of the National Guard. In times of war or national emergency, the Congress may grant the president even broader powers to manage the national economy and protect the security of the United States, but these are not powers granted by the United States Constitution to the president. During the Vietnam War in 1973, Congress passed the War Powers Act to severely limit the ability of the President to conduct warfare without Congressional approval. Congress has the power to declare the war (Article 1, sec 8), but if the president needs to send the troops to other countries for hostile reasons, he will need congressional confirmation within 48 hours. For any time beyond 60 days, further congressional approval will be required.

Powers related to LegislationEdit

The president has several options when presented with a bill from Congress. If he agrees with the bill, then it is signed into law within ten days of receipt. If the president opposes the bill, he can veto it and return the legislation to Congress with a veto message suggesting changes.

Presidents must approve all of a bill or none of it; they do not have the ability toveto selectively. In 1996, Congress gave President Bill Clinton a line-item vetoover parts of a bill that require spending federal funds. In Clinton v. New York City the Supreme Court found Clinton's veto overturning pork-barrelappropriation for New York City to be unconstitutional because only a constitutional amendment could give the president line-item veto power.

If the Congress is still in session for ten business days after the president receives the bill, the legislation will become a law without the president's signature. However, if Congress adjourns within the ten business days of sending the bill to the president, the bill dies. If the president kills a bill in this manner there is nothing that Congress can do to override this, which is called a "pocket veto".

When signing a bill the president can also issue a signing statements that expresses his opinion on the constitutionality of a bill's provisions that intrude on executive power. He may even declare them unenforceable but the Supreme Court has yet to address this issue.

Congress can override vetoes with a two-thirds vote in both chambers, but this process is difficult and relatively rare. The threat of a presidential veto is usually sufficient to force Congress to modify a bill so that the President is willing to sign it.

Much of the legislation dealt with by Congress is drafted at the initiative of the executive branch. The president himself may propose legislation in annual and special messages to Congress including the annual State of the Union addressand joint sessions of Congress. If Congress adjourns without acting on the proposals, the president may call a special session.

Beyond these official powers, the U.S. president, as a leader of his political party and the United States government, holds great sway over public opinion whereby he may influence legislation.

To improve their working relationships with Congress, presidents in recent years have set up an Office of Legislative Affairs. Presidential aides keep abreast of all important legislative activities.

Powers of AppointmentEdit

The President of the United States has several different appointment powers.

Before taking office, the president-elect must appoint more than 6,000 new federal positions.[2] The appointments range from top officials at U.S. government agencies, to the White House Staff, and members of the United States diplomatic corps. Many, but not all, of these positions are appointed by the president with the advice and consent of the United States Senate.

The President also has the power to nominate federal judges, including members of the United States Courts of Appeals and the U.S. Supreme Court. However, these nominations do require Senate confirmation, and this can provide a major stumbling block for Presidents who wish to shape their federal judiciary in a particular ideological stance. The President must appoint judges for the United States District Courts, but he will not often[clarification needed] defer toSenatorial courtesy in making these choices.

As head of the executive branch, the president must appoint the top officials for all of the federal agencies. These positions are listed in the Plum Book which outlines more than 7,000 appointive positions in the government. Many of these appointments are made by the president. In the case of ten agencies, the President is free to appoint a new agency head For example, it is not unusual for the CIA Director or the NASA Administrator to be changed by the president. Other agencies that deal with federal regulation such as the Federal Reserve Board of Governors or the Securities and Exchange Commission have set terms that will often outlast presidential terms. For example, governors of the Fed serve for fourteen years in order to ensure agency independence. The president also appoints members to the boards of directors for government-owned corporations such as Amtrak. The President can also make a recess appointment if a position needs to be filled while Congress is not in session.

In the past, Presidents had the power to appoint all members of the United States civil service. This use of the spoils system allowed presidents to reward political supporters with jobs. Following the assassination of President James Garfield by Charles J. Guiteau, a disgruntled office seeker, Congress instituted a merit-based civil service in which positions are filled on a nonpartisan basis. The Office of Personnel Management now oversees the staffing of 2.8 million federal jobs in the federal bureaucracy.

The President must also appoint his staff of aides, advisers, and assistants. These individuals are political appointments and are not subject to review by the Senate. All members of the staff serve "at the pleasure of the President".[3][4]Since 1995, the president has been required to submit an annual report to Congress listing the name and salary of every employee of the White House Office. The 2011 report, which can be viewed on the White House website, lists 454 employees.[5]

Executive clemencyEdit

See also: List of people pardoned or granted clemency by the President of the United States

Article II of the United States Constitution gives the president the power ofclemency. The two most commonly used clemency powers are those of pardonand commutation. A pardon is an official forgiveness for an acknowledged crime. Once a pardon is issued, all punishment for the crime is waived. The person accepting the pardon must, however, acknowledge that the crime did take place.[6] The president maintains the Office of the Pardon Attorney in the U.S. Department of Justice to review all requests for pardons. Most pardons are issued as oversight of the judicial branch, especially in cases where the Federal Sentencing Guidelines are considered too severe. Pardons are controversial when they appear to be politically motivated.

This power can check the legislative and judicial branches by altering punishment for crimes. Presidents can issue blanket amnesty to forgives entire groups of people. For example, President Jimmy Carter granted amnesty toVietnam draft dodgers who had fled to Canada. Presidents can also issue temporary suspensions of prosecution or punishment in the form of respites. This power is most commonly used to delay federal sentences of execution.

The president can also commute a sentence which, in effect, changes the punishment to time served. While the guilty party may be released from custody or not have to serve out a prison term, all other punishments still apply. President George W. Bush commuted the sentence of White House stafferLewis "Scooter" Libby.

Foreign affairsEdit

Under the Constitution, the president is the federal official that is primarily responsible for the relations of the United States with foreign nations. The president appoints ambassadors, ministers, and consuls —subject to confirmation by the Senate—and receives foreign ambassadors and other public officials. With the secretary of state, the president manages all official contacts with foreign governments.

On occasion, the president may personally participate in summit conferences where heads of state meet for direct consultation. For example, PresidentWilson led the American delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 afterWorld War I; President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with Allied leaders duringWorld War II; and every president sits down with world leaders to discuss economic and political issues and to reach agreements.

Through the Department of State and the Department of Defense, the president is responsible for the protection of Americans abroad and of foreign nationals in the United States. The president decides whether to recognize new nations and new governments, and negotiate treaties with other nations, which become binding on the United States when approved by two-thirds of the Senate. The president may also negotiate "executive agreements" with foreign powers that are not subject to Senate confirmation.

Emergency powersEdit

Over the years, Presidents have claimed to have emergency powers in times of crisis. These Inherent Powers have been used both at home and overseas. The most common use of emergency powers is to declare a state of emergency which allows the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to bypass normal administrative and jurisdictional rules. Declarations of emergency can also provide special federal aid such as during the Flood of 1993 along theMississippi River or in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. President Abraham Lincoln used his emergency powers to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in Maryland during the American Civil War. President Harry Truman was also denied emergency powers by the Court in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer when he tried to nationalize the nation's steel mills.

Executive privilegeEdit

Executive privilege gives the president the ability to withhold information from the public, Congress, and the courts in matters of national security. George Washington first claimed privilege when Congress requested to see Chief Justice John Jay's notes from an unpopular treaty negotiation with Great Britain. While not enshrined in the Constitution, Washington's action created the precedent for privilege. When Richard Nixon tried to use executive privilege as a reason for not turning over subpoenaed evidence to Congress for the Watergatehearings, the Supreme Court ruled in United States v. Nixon that privilege did not apply in cases where a president was attempting to avoid criminal prosecution. Later President Bill Clinton lost in federal court when he tried to assert privilege in the Lewinsky affair. The Supreme Court affirmed this in Clinton v. Jones, which denied the use of privilege in cases of civil suits.

Constraints on presidential powerEdit

Because of the vast array of presidential roles and responsibilities, coupled with a conspicuous presence on the national and international scene, political analysts have tended to place great emphasis on the president's powers. Some have even spoken of "the imperial presidency", referring to the expanded role of the office that Franklin D. Roosevelt maintained during his term.

President Theodore Roosevelt famously called the presidency a "bully pulpit" from which to raise issues nationally, for when a president raises an issue, it inevitably becomes subject to public debate. A president's power and influence may be limited, but politically the president is certainly the most important power in Washington and, furthermore, is one of the most famous and influential of all Americans.

Though constrained by various other laws passed by Congress, the president's executive branch conducts most foreign policy, and his power to order and direct troops as commander-in-chief is quite significant (the exact limits of what a president's military powers without Congressional authorization are open to debate).

The Separation of Powers devised by the founding fathers was designed to do one primary thing: to prevent the majority from ruling with an iron fist. Based on their experience, the framers shied away from giving any branch of the new government too much power. The separation of powers provides a system of shared power known as "checks and balances". For example, the President appoints judges and departmental secretaries, but these appointments must be approved by the Senate. The president can veto bills, or deny them. If he does that, the bill is sent back to Congress.

See alsoEdit

Madisonian Model

ReferencesEdit

http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/def.../prologue/2005/winter/senate-nominations.html Serving at the Pleasure of the President: The Nomination Papers of the United States Senate, 1789–1946http://www.archives.gov/federal-register/codification/executive-order/11183.html Executive Order 11183--Establishing the President's Commission on White House Fellowships[1] 2011 Annual Report to Congress on White House Staffhttp://www.justice.gov/pardon/pardon_instructions.htm

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港督莫要螳臂挡车了,给脸不要脸。
 
搞什么'一国两制',这是没有实力的办法。有能耐就一个一国一制,还有什么周边的国家,个个变成跟屁虫,小喽啰。应该向美国学习,搞个北约组织。向英国学习,搞个什么英联邦。
俺们加拿大特别地要努力,什么时候能够把周边国家(俄罗斯,美坚利,北欧,还有中国,英国,墨西哥)统统变成小喽啰。让枫叶旗帜飘在有枫树的地方。谁敢闹事,有皇家骑警伺候。
 
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