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美国国务卿蓬佩奥在尼克松总统图书馆演講：共产中国和自由世界的未来
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蓬佩奥：改变共产中国
美国国务卿蓬佩奥周四在前总统尼克松图书馆发表演说指出，美国过去对中国采取“盲目的交往政策”已经失败，美国接下来会与勇敢的中国人民直接接触，将自由国家和美国联合在一起，共同促成中共改变自身行为。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（路透社）
美国国务卿蓬佩奥（Mike Pompeo）周四在前总统尼克松图书馆发表演说指出，当今世界已和尼克松时代大不相同，美国过去对中国采取“盲目的交往政策”已经失败，美国接下来会与勇敢的中国人民直接接触，将自由国家和美国联合在一起，共同促成中共改变自身行为。
蓬佩奥的这次讲话是继国家安全顾问奥布莱恩（ Robert O’Brien), 克里斯托弗·雷（Christopher Wray）以及 总检察长威廉·巴尔（William Barr）最近就对华政策纷纷发表讲话之后的第四个讲话。
尼克松后人说完开场白，介绍蓬佩奥上台后，蓬佩奥单刀直入地说，世界已经不一样了。尽管他演说开头与结尾都提到，尼克松当年“中国不改变，世界不会安全”的说法没错，也肯定尼克松过去在美中关系上的贡献，但他指出，美国总统特朗普应对中国崛起给美国带来的种种威胁，做法会不同。
蓬佩奥说，美国曾以为，与中国接触交往，会因友好合作的许诺，未来一片灿烂光明；但当下，人们却得戴着口罩、眼睁睁看着新冠肺炎大流行的相关数据上升，这全拜中共未能履行自身对世界承诺所赐。然后，读着中共压迫香港与新疆民众权利的相关报导、看着贸易被滥用的惊人数据、对美国的就业与企业造成的打击、眼睁睁见着中国军力崛起、变得更强大且具威胁性。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（路透社）
他指出，“好长一段时间，美国许多政策制定者也认为‘当中国变得更繁荣，就会更自由，对外也会更友善，这听起来似乎是必然的。” 然而，事与愿违，交往政策给中国带来的好处远远多过给美国的好处。”
尽管蓬佩奥没有说出“白眼狼”的字眼，但他说，包含美国在内的自由社会，过去出手拯救中国当时衰败的经济，现在，却眼睁睁看着自己被中国反咬一口。
不只听其言 美国更要观其行
“前总统里根过去和苏联打交道时曾说，‘可以信任，但要验证’；对于中国共产党，我会说，‘不可信任且要验证’。”蓬佩奥说。
蓬佩奥一语道尽美中之间现在的互信程度有多低。这一切，事出有因。他提到，美国最近要求中国关闭驻休斯顿总领事馆，“因为那就是个“间谍大本营、知识产权盗窃中心”。
在外交战上，美国下逐客令后，美国媒体接连报道，美国联邦调查局（FBI）正调查多起签证诈欺案，都和中国解放军军人隐匿自身背景、以骗取访问学者身份到美国学术机构交流，进而窃密有关。
其中，在旧金山，一名音译为唐娟的中国女子在接受FBI探员访谈后，据信已躲入中国驻旧金山总领事馆。
蓬佩奥还提到，在南海，中国破坏承诺、造岛建礁并军事化；中共把自身的意识形态强加到许多商业活动上，“中国在国内更集权独裁，在海外对自由世界更具敌意”。他引用美国总统特朗普的说法，“够了”。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（路透社）
他特别提到自己上个月和中共中央外事办主任杨洁篪的夏威夷会谈。蓬佩奥指出，美国没有放弃对话，但不会为对话而对话。杨洁篪会谈只给“空洞承诺”，却要他服从中方要求，“过去历届美国政府这么做，但我没有，特朗普总统也不会。”
蓬佩奥说，“真正能改变共产中国的唯一方法，是要根据中共领导人的所作所为来行动，而不是根据他们所说的。”
中国共产党并不能代表中国人民
“最大的谎言，是中国共产党宣称他们代表十四亿中国人民，那些遭到他们监控、压迫，害怕发声的人民。”蓬佩奥说。
蓬佩奥在演说中特别介绍也在现场的中国知名民主人士魏京生与1989年学运领袖王丹。他赞扬他们的勇气，也呼吁爱好自由的国家必须和这些中国人民站在一起。
他说，美国必须以更有创意及果断的方式，改变中共的行为；而美国会与勇敢发声、爱好自由的中国人民站在一起，美国要直接和中国一般老百姓交往接触。他提到自己刚刚与香港民主派人士罗冠聪会面，也和很多维吾尔人谈话，了解新疆的情况。
演讲中，蓬佩奥指责的对象多针对中国共产党。美国这届政府把中共、中国与中国人民的概念厘清，用意清楚。
对此，人在现场的魏京生接受本台记者电话采访时说，“把中共与中国人民分开，这其实很容易做，对多数真正的中国老百姓也影响不大；美国自己现在承认，过去受到中共欺骗，这其实我们已经说了很多年了，现在美国逐渐醒悟过来，这样的修正非常重要也及时，尽管我觉得其实已经有点晚了。”
魏京生指出，美国是时候要改变对中国的政策，这是很必要的，否则，会威胁到美国自身生存。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（法新社）
华人民主在台湾开花结果 中国民主梦能成真？
蓬佩奥检讨美国自身政策错误时也特别提到，美国当年对在台湾的朋友弃之不顾，边缘化台湾，后来，台湾的民主蓬勃发展，开花结果。
蓬佩奥指出，明年是时任美国总统国家安全事务助理的亨利·基辛格1971年秘密访华五十周年，而2022年则是尼克松总统1972年访问中国五十年。蓬佩奥特别引用白宫国安顾问奥布莱特日前所说，中共政权是马克思—列宁主义政权，他提醒，美国人民必须开始正视美中之间存在意识形态根本不同的差异，必须改变对中国共产党的看法。
暴政必亡 美国没有衰落 自由世界终将胜利
他最后说，过去，自由世界曾经击败暴政，这一次也会如此，“除非我们放任不管，否则，习近平不可能永远在中国国内外肆意妄为。”
蓬佩奥强调，这不是要遏制中国，这是美国从未有过的复杂新挑战。他坦言，会有不少困难，因为与当年苏联和自由世界隔绝相较，共产中国因为全球化与世界更加融合在一起，但他强调，“如果自由世界不改变共产中国，那么，共产中国将会改变我们”。
自由亚洲电台记者郑崇生华盛顿报道 责编：申铧 网编：洪伟
美国国务卿蓬佩奥周四在前总统尼克松图书馆发表演说指出，美国过去对中国采取“盲目的交往政策”已经失败，美国接下来会与勇敢的中国人民直接接触，将自由国家和美国联合在一起，共同促成中共改变自身行为。
- 2020-07-23
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（路透社）
美国国务卿蓬佩奥（Mike Pompeo）周四在前总统尼克松图书馆发表演说指出，当今世界已和尼克松时代大不相同，美国过去对中国采取“盲目的交往政策”已经失败，美国接下来会与勇敢的中国人民直接接触，将自由国家和美国联合在一起，共同促成中共改变自身行为。
蓬佩奥的这次讲话是继国家安全顾问奥布莱恩（ Robert O’Brien), 克里斯托弗·雷（Christopher Wray）以及 总检察长威廉·巴尔（William Barr）最近就对华政策纷纷发表讲话之后的第四个讲话。
尼克松后人说完开场白，介绍蓬佩奥上台后，蓬佩奥单刀直入地说，世界已经不一样了。尽管他演说开头与结尾都提到，尼克松当年“中国不改变，世界不会安全”的说法没错，也肯定尼克松过去在美中关系上的贡献，但他指出，美国总统特朗普应对中国崛起给美国带来的种种威胁，做法会不同。
蓬佩奥说，美国曾以为，与中国接触交往，会因友好合作的许诺，未来一片灿烂光明；但当下，人们却得戴着口罩、眼睁睁看着新冠肺炎大流行的相关数据上升，这全拜中共未能履行自身对世界承诺所赐。然后，读着中共压迫香港与新疆民众权利的相关报导、看着贸易被滥用的惊人数据、对美国的就业与企业造成的打击、眼睁睁见着中国军力崛起、变得更强大且具威胁性。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（路透社）
他指出，“好长一段时间，美国许多政策制定者也认为‘当中国变得更繁荣，就会更自由，对外也会更友善，这听起来似乎是必然的。” 然而，事与愿违，交往政策给中国带来的好处远远多过给美国的好处。”
尽管蓬佩奥没有说出“白眼狼”的字眼，但他说，包含美国在内的自由社会，过去出手拯救中国当时衰败的经济，现在，却眼睁睁看着自己被中国反咬一口。
不只听其言 美国更要观其行
“前总统里根过去和苏联打交道时曾说，‘可以信任，但要验证’；对于中国共产党，我会说，‘不可信任且要验证’。”蓬佩奥说。
蓬佩奥一语道尽美中之间现在的互信程度有多低。这一切，事出有因。他提到，美国最近要求中国关闭驻休斯顿总领事馆，“因为那就是个“间谍大本营、知识产权盗窃中心”。
在外交战上，美国下逐客令后，美国媒体接连报道，美国联邦调查局（FBI）正调查多起签证诈欺案，都和中国解放军军人隐匿自身背景、以骗取访问学者身份到美国学术机构交流，进而窃密有关。
其中，在旧金山，一名音译为唐娟的中国女子在接受FBI探员访谈后，据信已躲入中国驻旧金山总领事馆。
蓬佩奥还提到，在南海，中国破坏承诺、造岛建礁并军事化；中共把自身的意识形态强加到许多商业活动上，“中国在国内更集权独裁，在海外对自由世界更具敌意”。他引用美国总统特朗普的说法，“够了”。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（路透社）
他特别提到自己上个月和中共中央外事办主任杨洁篪的夏威夷会谈。蓬佩奥指出，美国没有放弃对话，但不会为对话而对话。杨洁篪会谈只给“空洞承诺”，却要他服从中方要求，“过去历届美国政府这么做，但我没有，特朗普总统也不会。”
蓬佩奥说，“真正能改变共产中国的唯一方法，是要根据中共领导人的所作所为来行动，而不是根据他们所说的。”
中国共产党并不能代表中国人民
“最大的谎言，是中国共产党宣称他们代表十四亿中国人民，那些遭到他们监控、压迫，害怕发声的人民。”蓬佩奥说。
蓬佩奥在演说中特别介绍也在现场的中国知名民主人士魏京生与1989年学运领袖王丹。他赞扬他们的勇气，也呼吁爱好自由的国家必须和这些中国人民站在一起。
他说，美国必须以更有创意及果断的方式，改变中共的行为；而美国会与勇敢发声、爱好自由的中国人民站在一起，美国要直接和中国一般老百姓交往接触。他提到自己刚刚与香港民主派人士罗冠聪会面，也和很多维吾尔人谈话，了解新疆的情况。
演讲中，蓬佩奥指责的对象多针对中国共产党。美国这届政府把中共、中国与中国人民的概念厘清，用意清楚。
对此，人在现场的魏京生接受本台记者电话采访时说，“把中共与中国人民分开，这其实很容易做，对多数真正的中国老百姓也影响不大；美国自己现在承认，过去受到中共欺骗，这其实我们已经说了很多年了，现在美国逐渐醒悟过来，这样的修正非常重要也及时，尽管我觉得其实已经有点晚了。”
魏京生指出，美国是时候要改变对中国的政策，这是很必要的，否则，会威胁到美国自身生存。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（法新社）
华人民主在台湾开花结果 中国民主梦能成真？
蓬佩奥检讨美国自身政策错误时也特别提到，美国当年对在台湾的朋友弃之不顾，边缘化台湾，后来，台湾的民主蓬勃发展，开花结果。
蓬佩奥指出，明年是时任美国总统国家安全事务助理的亨利·基辛格1971年秘密访华五十周年，而2022年则是尼克松总统1972年访问中国五十年。蓬佩奥特别引用白宫国安顾问奥布莱特日前所说，中共政权是马克思—列宁主义政权，他提醒，美国人民必须开始正视美中之间存在意识形态根本不同的差异，必须改变对中国共产党的看法。
暴政必亡 美国没有衰落 自由世界终将胜利
他最后说，过去，自由世界曾经击败暴政，这一次也会如此，“除非我们放任不管，否则，习近平不可能永远在中国国内外肆意妄为。”
蓬佩奥强调，这不是要遏制中国，这是美国从未有过的复杂新挑战。他坦言，会有不少困难，因为与当年苏联和自由世界隔绝相较，共产中国因为全球化与世界更加融合在一起，但他强调，“如果自由世界不改变共产中国，那么，共产中国将会改变我们”。
自由亚洲电台记者郑崇生华盛顿报道 责编：申铧 网编：洪伟
duskanddawn
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SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)
duskanddawn
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蓬佩奥在前总统尼克松图书馆演说全文
与中国盲目挂钩的旧典范已经失败了。我们不能再继续下去。我们不能再重回这条路。特朗普总统说得很清楚，我们需要能保护美国经济与美国生活方式的策略。自由世界必须战胜新的暴政。
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（美联社）
I. 引言
各位午安。
谢谢纽森州长如此客气的引言。
谢谢空军下士 Kayla Highsmith 將我们的国歌詮釋得這麼美，请大家给她掌声。
谢谢 尼克松基金会及基金会执行长休˙修伊邀请我来这个重要的美国机构演讲。
今天能到 Yorba Linda ，来到尼克松总统之父所造，尼克松总统出生和成长的故居，实为荣幸。
谢谢尼克松中心董事会及所有员工致力保存这个深具历史意义的地标，也感谢你们在非比寻常的疫情期间还能让我们在此集会。我们很高兴现场还有几位非常特别的来宾，包括刚才致词的尼克松总统孙儿，Christopher Nixon Cox。我也要谢谢 Tricia Nixon Cox 和 Julie Nixon Eisenhower 支持此次的拜访。我也要向几位远道前来、勇敢的中国异议人士致意。
欢迎各位贵宾。
也谢谢各位在在线收看直播的朋友。
最后，我在 Santa Ana 长大，今天也有几位亲人在现场。我从没想过有朝一日我会以国务卿的身分回到加州。我相信他们也和我一样意外。
***
今天的演讲是国家安全顾问伯特˙奥布莱恩、联邦调查局局长克里斯托弗˙雷，和司法部长威廉˙巴尔与我同席发表的关于中国问题系列演讲的第四部份。我们的使命是解释美中关系的不同面向、数十年来美中关系累积的重大不平衡，以及中国共产党对于霸权的设计。我们的目的是厘清特朗普总统对中政策所要解决的中國对美威胁和美國捍卫自由的策略。国家安全顾问奥布莱恩讲述意识形态。调查局长雷谈到间谍问题。司法部长巴尔谈经济问题。今天，轮到我把这一切整理给美国人民知道，让美国人民了解中国的威胁对我们的经济、我们的自由和自由世界的未来的意义。
***
明年是亨利˙基辛格秘密出访中国的50周年，再不久，2022年将是尼克松总统访问中国50周年。尼克松时代的世界与今日大不相同。
当年我们以为与中国的接触能创造光明的未来，能有友谊与合作的的承诺。但今日，我们坐在此，人人戴着口罩，看着因为中共未能信守对世界的承诺，全球疫情死亡人数节节升高……看到新闻头条报导中共对香港和对新疆的压迫……看到惊人统计数据显示，中国贸易不当手段导致美国工作机会流失与对我们的企业造成损失…… 看中国不断强化其军备，升高其威胁性。
我要重复不论是在加州、在我的故乡肯萨斯州，在各地美国人民心中盘旋的疑问：美国人民和中国来往50年有什么成果？我们的领导人所提倡的，中国将朝着自由与民主迈进演化的理论是否为真？这是中国定义里的 “双赢”局面吗？美国是否变得更安全？
各位朋友，如果我们想要有自由的廿一世纪，而不是中国的习近平所梦想的中国世纪，那么我们今天必须承认应在未来数年、数十年引导我们走向的一个事实：
与中国盲目挂钩的旧典范已经失败了。我们不能再继续下去。我们不能再重回这条路。特朗普总统说得很清楚，我们需要能保护美国经济与美国生活方式的策略。自由世界必须战胜新的暴政。
II. 尼克松当年有与中国挂钩有其理由…
在我看似要拆解尼克松总统所留下的成就之前，我要先说明，尼克松总统做的是他当时认为对美国人民最有利的事情。尼克松总统是中国问题的聪明学生、是个勇猛的冷战时期战士，也是中国人民的仰慕者。他与北京打交道时眼睛睁得雪亮。我们要认可他很明白中国非常重要，不容忽视，哪怕当时中国因一己的共产暴政导致国力衰弱。
尼克松总统在 1967年发表于《外交事务》的知名投书解释他未来的策略：”长远来看，我们就是不能把中国永远排除于世界各国之外…直到中国有所改变，全球才能安全。因此，就影响事件而言，我们的目标应该是 “诱发(中国产生)变化。”
关键字就在：”诱发变化”。
因此，尼克松总统的历史性访华之旅展开了我们与中国的交往策略。尼克松总统立意高尚，期望寻求更安全、更自由的世界。随着时间过去，美国的决策者益发相信，随着中国日益繁荣，美国也将更加自由，国际间更友善。一切看来都是在所难免的走势。
III.. . . 然而，与中国往来，北京受惠远比美国来得多
但各位朋友，时至今日，这个在所难免的走势已到了尽头。多年来我们与中国打交道的作法并没有给中国带来尼克松总统希望能引发的改变。
事实是，我们的政策 – 和其他自由国家的政策 – 振兴了中国摇摇欲坠的经济，却只看到北京政权反咬了协助它重振的国际社会一口。我们张开双臂欢迎中国公民来美，却看到中共利用我们自由和开放的社会。中国把统战份子送到我们的记者会、我们的研究中心、我们的高中和大学校园，甚至把他们送进我们的学校PTA会议里。
我们把在台湾的盟友边缘化，而台湾在后来成为充满活力的民主国家。我们给中国共产政权特别经济待遇…结果中共依然坚持，西方企业要进入中国就必须对中国侵犯人权的作为默不做声。
国家安全顾问奥布莱恩前几天提过几个例子：万豪酒店集团、美国航空、达美航空和联合航空都在其公司网站删除了提及台湾的文字，以免触怒北京。作为美国自由创作中心与自封为社会正义仲裁者的好莱坞，却在面对关于中国的任何轻微批评时，进行自我审查。
这种企业默许中共行为的做法举世四处可见。而大企业向中共输诚…讨好…换回什么好处？如同司法部长巴尔在他上周演讲所说， ”中国统治者的终极野心并不是要与美国做贸易，而是要打劫美国”。
中国窃取了我们宝贵的知识产权与贸易机密。中国把供应链从美国吸走，还奴役劳工。中国导致全球主要水道对国际贸易的安全性降低。
尼克松总统曾说过，他深怕让世界接触中国共产党的举动创造出个 “科学怪人＂。这真是一语成谶。立意良善的人或许要问，为什么自由国家会允许这些坏事和林林总总的更多坏事发生。或许我们对中国共产主义之毒素、或冷战后的胜利主义、或贪婪的资本家，或被北京 “和平兴起”的话语太过天真。
不论原因为何，今日的中国对内益发专制，对国外自由的敌意益发浓厚。特朗普总统已经说：够了。
IV. 中共不会自发改革。 我们不信任，还要验证。
我相信民主党、共和党两党都不会有太多人驳斥这些事实。但即使到今日，还有些人坚持我们要为了能持续与中国对话而保持交流互动的方式。
各位别误会，我们还会持续与中国对话。但是这些日子的美中对话不一样了。我最近飞到夏威夷与中国的 (中央外事工作委员会办公室主任) 杨洁篪会面。老样子 – 他说了很多，却完全不提中国要改变作为。杨的承诺，就像他之前的许多中共官员的承诺，都是空口说白话。他希望我能屈服于他的要求，因为那是我们前任政府的作法。我没有。特朗普总统也不会屈服。
国家安全顾问奥布莱恩解释得很清楚，中共政权是马克思-列宁思想政权。
中国共产党总书记习近平深信破产的极权主义意识形态。他的意识形态支持他数十年来对建立于中国共产主义之上的世界霸权的渴望。我们无法再漠视美国与中国之间政治与意识型态的基本差异，正如同中共从未忽略过此差异。我在众议院情报委员会的经验，我担任中情局局长的经验，和我担任国务卿二年多的经验让我形成这个中心理解：
唯一能够真正的改变共产中国的方式是看中国领导人的行为去采取行动，而不是光听他们说的话。里根总统当年与苏联打交道的策略是根据 “信任但要验证”的基础。当我们与中共打交道时，我认为，要采取“不信任，还要验证”的作法。
我们，世界上的自由国家，必须采取更有创造性、更果敢的方式去促成中共改变行为，因为北京的行动威胁到我们的人民与我们的繁荣。
V. 我们必须改变世界各国对中国的看法与对待中国及其代理人的方式，并采取相应的行动。
我们必须要先改变我们的人民与我们的伙伴对中国共产党的看法。我们不能把中国的政权看作是像他国一样的正常国家。
坦白说，现在与中国打交道的是新的国务院 – 推动特朗普总统公平和互惠目标的国务院：就在本周，我们关闭了休斯敦的中国领事馆，因为那是包容间谍工作与盗窃知识产权的中心。
VI. 我们必须采取正面措施与行为良好的成员交流，赋予他们能力；这些成员就是中国人民
但我们的措施不能光只着重于硬碰硬。我们也要和中国人民交流，赋予它们能力… 生气勃勃、爱好自由，与中国共产党绝然不同的中国人民。
这，就从面对面的外交开始。不论我到何处，都遇到许多才华洋溢又努力的中国男女。我也见过逃离新疆集中营的维吾尔族人和哈萨克斯坦人。我也和许多香港的民主领袖谈话，从陈日君主教到媒体人黎智英都有。两天前，我在伦敦和为香港民主奋斗的青年罗冠聪会面。
上个月，我听了天安门事件幸存者分享的故事。他们其中有一人今天也在现场。王丹，当时的学生领袖之一，多年来从未放弃过为中国人民争取自由。王先生，请站起来让我们向你致意。今天和我们一同在此的还有中国民运之父魏京生先生。魏先生为了倡议民主，被囚禁在中国的劳改营数十年。魏先生请起立让我们致意。
共产党不老实，但最大的谎言就是中国共产党声称为中国的14亿人民发声。中国的人民受到监控、迫害，不敢挺身而出。这与中共的宣称完全相反。中共对中国人民诚实意见的恐惧远超过中共对外国批评的害怕。其原因不外乎是深怕自己丧失对权力的控制。各位试想，如果当初武汉的医生能获准发出对于新冠病毒的疫情警讯，今日世界的状况会好上多少？
数十年来，我们的领袖或无视、或轻描淡写的处理勇敢中国异议份子揭发我们来往的中国政权真面目的举动。如今我们不能再忽略中国人民了。他们和其他人一样清楚，我们不能再重回过去，用维持现状的方式按照中共的条件去打交道。
VII. 自由世界过去打倒过暴政，今日我们也可以
但改变中共的行为不能光靠中国人民。自由国家也有捍卫民主的任务。这做起来大不容易。
但我有信心我们办得到。我有信心，因为我们曾经成功过。我有信心，因为中共重复了些苏联曾犯的错误 -- 疏远潜在盟友，破坏国内外信任，拒绝赋予人民财产权和可预测的法治社会。 我有信心，因为我看到其他国家的觉醒，知道我们不能走回头路。从布鲁塞尔、悉尼，到河内，我都听过。最重要的是，我有捍卫自由的信心，因为自由本身的甜美滋味如此美好。
看看昔日光辉的香港，香港民众因着中共紧缩控制而争相出走移民。中国和过去的苏联不同，中国已经深深地与全球经济整合。但北京对我们的依赖远超过我们对中国的依赖。
**
我不接受我们身处于在所难免的时代的说法… 那种说法以为某些陷阱是预定的…中共称霸是未来必然的局面。我们的作法并不会注定失败，因为美国并没有在走下坡。就像我今年稍早在慕尼黑所说，自由世界依然占上风。世界各地的人还是想到开放的社会来读书、来工作，和为家人打造生活。可没有人急着到重庆去安家落户。
***
现在是自由国家采取行动的时候。并非所有国家都将对这个中国挑战采取一样的处理方式，各国的措施也不应相同。每个国家必须要理解，在面对中共的触角时如何保护其国家安全、经济繁荣，和其追求的理想。但我呼吁所有国家从效法美国的作法开始 – 坚持要中共及其并非同质的统治者能遵守互惠、保持透明和负责。
这些是很简单却很有力的标准。长久以来，我们都让中共去定调双方往来的条件。再也没有这种事。自由国家必须设定一致基调，并且遵守相同的操作策略。我们必须画下共同一致的界线，不因中国讨价还价和花言巧语而退让。没错，这就是美国最近的作法，我们干脆的拒绝中国在南中国海的非法宣称… 就像我们敦促各国在5G上成为 “干净国度”。现在由我们来制定标准。
确实，有些国家没勇气站在我们的行列，至少目前如此。我们的北大西洋公约组织盟国之一就不愿为香港的自由挺身而出，因为他们怕北京政府会限制他们进入中国市场。古有名证，这种怯懦终将伤害其人民。让我们不要重复过去的错误。中国所带来的威胁需要民主政体一致的努力…不论是在欧洲、在非洲、在南美洲和特别是在印太区域的各国。
如果我们现在不采取行动，那么有朝一日，中共将侵蚀我们的自由，颠覆自由社会建立的法治秩序。如果我们就此屈膝退让，我们的后代子孙可能要看中共的脸色过日，而中共的行动正是自由世界的最大挑战。习近平并不是注定要永远统治中国海内外，除非我们把这权力拱手让给他。
这不是围堵策略。这是前所未有的、复杂的新挑战：苏联当时自绝于自由世界以外。共产中国已经在我们的世界里，已经在我们的国境里面。
所以面对这挑战我们不能单打独斗。联合国、北大西洋公约组织、G7、G20，我们总结的经济、外交，和军事力量，如果支配妥当，绝对足以抵挡这挑战。也许我们该成立新的志同道合的结盟…新的民主联盟。我们有工具。我们现在需要的是意愿。让我引圣经经文，难道 “我们的精神愿意，但我们的肉体虚弱” 吗？
如果自由世界不改变共产中国，那么共产中国将改变我们。我们不能光因为老方法舒适或方便就重新走上回头路。
VIII. 结论：美国处于帮助自由世界维护自由的有利地位 —— 这也是我们的时代使命
捍卫我们的民主不受中共侵略是我们的时代使命，而美国因着我们的立国原则，处于绝佳的领导地位。上星期在费城，面对独立纪念馆，我解释过，我们的国家的立国原则是所有人都具有一些不可剥夺的权利。
保护这些权利是政府的工作。如此简单而有力的事实也是美国之所以能成为举世人民心目中的自由灯塔，包括中国的人民。理查德˙尼克松在他1967年的投书里说得没错，＂直到中国有所改变，全球才能安全”。现在，就要由我们来完成他的论点。
今天，危险很清楚。
今天，觉醒已经发生。
今天，自由世界必须有所反应。
我们不能再走回头路。
愿上帝保佑各位。
愿上帝保佑中国人民。
愿上帝保佑美国。
谢谢各位。
与中国盲目挂钩的旧典范已经失败了。我们不能再继续下去。我们不能再重回这条路。特朗普总统说得很清楚，我们需要能保护美国经济与美国生活方式的策略。自由世界必须战胜新的暴政。
- 2020-07-23
2020年7月23日，美国国务卿蓬佩奥在加州的理查德·尼克松总统图书馆发表对华演讲。（美联社）
I. 引言
各位午安。
谢谢纽森州长如此客气的引言。
谢谢空军下士 Kayla Highsmith 將我们的国歌詮釋得這麼美，请大家给她掌声。
谢谢 尼克松基金会及基金会执行长休˙修伊邀请我来这个重要的美国机构演讲。
今天能到 Yorba Linda ，来到尼克松总统之父所造，尼克松总统出生和成长的故居，实为荣幸。
谢谢尼克松中心董事会及所有员工致力保存这个深具历史意义的地标，也感谢你们在非比寻常的疫情期间还能让我们在此集会。我们很高兴现场还有几位非常特别的来宾，包括刚才致词的尼克松总统孙儿，Christopher Nixon Cox。我也要谢谢 Tricia Nixon Cox 和 Julie Nixon Eisenhower 支持此次的拜访。我也要向几位远道前来、勇敢的中国异议人士致意。
欢迎各位贵宾。
也谢谢各位在在线收看直播的朋友。
最后，我在 Santa Ana 长大，今天也有几位亲人在现场。我从没想过有朝一日我会以国务卿的身分回到加州。我相信他们也和我一样意外。
***
今天的演讲是国家安全顾问伯特˙奥布莱恩、联邦调查局局长克里斯托弗˙雷，和司法部长威廉˙巴尔与我同席发表的关于中国问题系列演讲的第四部份。我们的使命是解释美中关系的不同面向、数十年来美中关系累积的重大不平衡，以及中国共产党对于霸权的设计。我们的目的是厘清特朗普总统对中政策所要解决的中國对美威胁和美國捍卫自由的策略。国家安全顾问奥布莱恩讲述意识形态。调查局长雷谈到间谍问题。司法部长巴尔谈经济问题。今天，轮到我把这一切整理给美国人民知道，让美国人民了解中国的威胁对我们的经济、我们的自由和自由世界的未来的意义。
***
明年是亨利˙基辛格秘密出访中国的50周年，再不久，2022年将是尼克松总统访问中国50周年。尼克松时代的世界与今日大不相同。
当年我们以为与中国的接触能创造光明的未来，能有友谊与合作的的承诺。但今日，我们坐在此，人人戴着口罩，看着因为中共未能信守对世界的承诺，全球疫情死亡人数节节升高……看到新闻头条报导中共对香港和对新疆的压迫……看到惊人统计数据显示，中国贸易不当手段导致美国工作机会流失与对我们的企业造成损失…… 看中国不断强化其军备，升高其威胁性。
我要重复不论是在加州、在我的故乡肯萨斯州，在各地美国人民心中盘旋的疑问：美国人民和中国来往50年有什么成果？我们的领导人所提倡的，中国将朝着自由与民主迈进演化的理论是否为真？这是中国定义里的 “双赢”局面吗？美国是否变得更安全？
各位朋友，如果我们想要有自由的廿一世纪，而不是中国的习近平所梦想的中国世纪，那么我们今天必须承认应在未来数年、数十年引导我们走向的一个事实：
与中国盲目挂钩的旧典范已经失败了。我们不能再继续下去。我们不能再重回这条路。特朗普总统说得很清楚，我们需要能保护美国经济与美国生活方式的策略。自由世界必须战胜新的暴政。
II. 尼克松当年有与中国挂钩有其理由…
在我看似要拆解尼克松总统所留下的成就之前，我要先说明，尼克松总统做的是他当时认为对美国人民最有利的事情。尼克松总统是中国问题的聪明学生、是个勇猛的冷战时期战士，也是中国人民的仰慕者。他与北京打交道时眼睛睁得雪亮。我们要认可他很明白中国非常重要，不容忽视，哪怕当时中国因一己的共产暴政导致国力衰弱。
尼克松总统在 1967年发表于《外交事务》的知名投书解释他未来的策略：”长远来看，我们就是不能把中国永远排除于世界各国之外…直到中国有所改变，全球才能安全。因此，就影响事件而言，我们的目标应该是 “诱发(中国产生)变化。”
关键字就在：”诱发变化”。
因此，尼克松总统的历史性访华之旅展开了我们与中国的交往策略。尼克松总统立意高尚，期望寻求更安全、更自由的世界。随着时间过去，美国的决策者益发相信，随着中国日益繁荣，美国也将更加自由，国际间更友善。一切看来都是在所难免的走势。
III.. . . 然而，与中国往来，北京受惠远比美国来得多
但各位朋友，时至今日，这个在所难免的走势已到了尽头。多年来我们与中国打交道的作法并没有给中国带来尼克松总统希望能引发的改变。
事实是，我们的政策 – 和其他自由国家的政策 – 振兴了中国摇摇欲坠的经济，却只看到北京政权反咬了协助它重振的国际社会一口。我们张开双臂欢迎中国公民来美，却看到中共利用我们自由和开放的社会。中国把统战份子送到我们的记者会、我们的研究中心、我们的高中和大学校园，甚至把他们送进我们的学校PTA会议里。
我们把在台湾的盟友边缘化，而台湾在后来成为充满活力的民主国家。我们给中国共产政权特别经济待遇…结果中共依然坚持，西方企业要进入中国就必须对中国侵犯人权的作为默不做声。
国家安全顾问奥布莱恩前几天提过几个例子：万豪酒店集团、美国航空、达美航空和联合航空都在其公司网站删除了提及台湾的文字，以免触怒北京。作为美国自由创作中心与自封为社会正义仲裁者的好莱坞，却在面对关于中国的任何轻微批评时，进行自我审查。
这种企业默许中共行为的做法举世四处可见。而大企业向中共输诚…讨好…换回什么好处？如同司法部长巴尔在他上周演讲所说， ”中国统治者的终极野心并不是要与美国做贸易，而是要打劫美国”。
中国窃取了我们宝贵的知识产权与贸易机密。中国把供应链从美国吸走，还奴役劳工。中国导致全球主要水道对国际贸易的安全性降低。
尼克松总统曾说过，他深怕让世界接触中国共产党的举动创造出个 “科学怪人＂。这真是一语成谶。立意良善的人或许要问，为什么自由国家会允许这些坏事和林林总总的更多坏事发生。或许我们对中国共产主义之毒素、或冷战后的胜利主义、或贪婪的资本家，或被北京 “和平兴起”的话语太过天真。
不论原因为何，今日的中国对内益发专制，对国外自由的敌意益发浓厚。特朗普总统已经说：够了。
IV. 中共不会自发改革。 我们不信任，还要验证。
我相信民主党、共和党两党都不会有太多人驳斥这些事实。但即使到今日，还有些人坚持我们要为了能持续与中国对话而保持交流互动的方式。
各位别误会，我们还会持续与中国对话。但是这些日子的美中对话不一样了。我最近飞到夏威夷与中国的 (中央外事工作委员会办公室主任) 杨洁篪会面。老样子 – 他说了很多，却完全不提中国要改变作为。杨的承诺，就像他之前的许多中共官员的承诺，都是空口说白话。他希望我能屈服于他的要求，因为那是我们前任政府的作法。我没有。特朗普总统也不会屈服。
国家安全顾问奥布莱恩解释得很清楚，中共政权是马克思-列宁思想政权。
中国共产党总书记习近平深信破产的极权主义意识形态。他的意识形态支持他数十年来对建立于中国共产主义之上的世界霸权的渴望。我们无法再漠视美国与中国之间政治与意识型态的基本差异，正如同中共从未忽略过此差异。我在众议院情报委员会的经验，我担任中情局局长的经验，和我担任国务卿二年多的经验让我形成这个中心理解：
唯一能够真正的改变共产中国的方式是看中国领导人的行为去采取行动，而不是光听他们说的话。里根总统当年与苏联打交道的策略是根据 “信任但要验证”的基础。当我们与中共打交道时，我认为，要采取“不信任，还要验证”的作法。
我们，世界上的自由国家，必须采取更有创造性、更果敢的方式去促成中共改变行为，因为北京的行动威胁到我们的人民与我们的繁荣。
V. 我们必须改变世界各国对中国的看法与对待中国及其代理人的方式，并采取相应的行动。
我们必须要先改变我们的人民与我们的伙伴对中国共产党的看法。我们不能把中国的政权看作是像他国一样的正常国家。
- 我们现在知道与中国做生意和与其他正常的、守法的国家做生意不一样。北京把国际协议当建议，当作是获得全球主导地位的渠道。美国贸易代表署通过坚持公平的贸易条件，达成了美中贸易协议，迫使中国承认重创美国劳工的盗窃知识产权行为与政策。
- 我们现在知道，与有中国撑腰的企业做生意和比方说一家加拿大公司做生意是完全不同的。中国企业不归独立董事会管理，也不追求利润。华为就是个绝佳的例子。我们不再假装以为华为是个无辜的电子通讯公司。我们现在就直截了当的说 -– 华为是国家安全威胁— 而且我们也采取了因应措施。
- 我们现在知道，如果我们的企业在中国投资，他们可能在知情或不知情的情况下支持中共迫害人权的行径。美国财务部和商务部都已因此将伤害美国与迫害人权的中国领导人及其产业加以惩处和列入黑名单。多个联邦机构合力准备一份企业咨商建议，确保能给各位美国企业的执行长提供预警。
- 我们现在知道，并非所有的中国留学生和员工都是单纯的留学生或员工，为了自己来美充实知识 – 他们当中有些人是为了中共或其代理人的利益，通过研究或窃盗获得这些知识。美国司法部和其他机构已经积极地对这些犯罪寻求惩罚措施。
- 我们现在知道，中国人民解放军不是一般的军队。人民解放军的目的是要维护中国共产党高层菁英的绝对统治，并扩张中国帝国，而不是要保护中国的人民。因此，美国国防部已经强化在南海与台湾海峡的自由巡航行动。我们成立了美国太空军，以助抵挡中国对最后一道边境的侵略。
坦白说，现在与中国打交道的是新的国务院 – 推动特朗普总统公平和互惠目标的国务院：就在本周，我们关闭了休斯敦的中国领事馆，因为那是包容间谍工作与盗窃知识产权的中心。
- 对于中国在南海不遵守国际法的行为，我们扭转了先前八年处处挨打的局面。
- 我们呼吁中国遵照本世纪的战略现实调整其核武能力。国务院各层级官员都与其对等中方官员对话，要求公平和互惠的措施。
VI. 我们必须采取正面措施与行为良好的成员交流，赋予他们能力；这些成员就是中国人民
但我们的措施不能光只着重于硬碰硬。我们也要和中国人民交流，赋予它们能力… 生气勃勃、爱好自由，与中国共产党绝然不同的中国人民。
这，就从面对面的外交开始。不论我到何处，都遇到许多才华洋溢又努力的中国男女。我也见过逃离新疆集中营的维吾尔族人和哈萨克斯坦人。我也和许多香港的民主领袖谈话，从陈日君主教到媒体人黎智英都有。两天前，我在伦敦和为香港民主奋斗的青年罗冠聪会面。
上个月，我听了天安门事件幸存者分享的故事。他们其中有一人今天也在现场。王丹，当时的学生领袖之一，多年来从未放弃过为中国人民争取自由。王先生，请站起来让我们向你致意。今天和我们一同在此的还有中国民运之父魏京生先生。魏先生为了倡议民主，被囚禁在中国的劳改营数十年。魏先生请起立让我们致意。
共产党不老实，但最大的谎言就是中国共产党声称为中国的14亿人民发声。中国的人民受到监控、迫害，不敢挺身而出。这与中共的宣称完全相反。中共对中国人民诚实意见的恐惧远超过中共对外国批评的害怕。其原因不外乎是深怕自己丧失对权力的控制。各位试想，如果当初武汉的医生能获准发出对于新冠病毒的疫情警讯，今日世界的状况会好上多少？
数十年来，我们的领袖或无视、或轻描淡写的处理勇敢中国异议份子揭发我们来往的中国政权真面目的举动。如今我们不能再忽略中国人民了。他们和其他人一样清楚，我们不能再重回过去，用维持现状的方式按照中共的条件去打交道。
VII. 自由世界过去打倒过暴政，今日我们也可以
但改变中共的行为不能光靠中国人民。自由国家也有捍卫民主的任务。这做起来大不容易。
但我有信心我们办得到。我有信心，因为我们曾经成功过。我有信心，因为中共重复了些苏联曾犯的错误 -- 疏远潜在盟友，破坏国内外信任，拒绝赋予人民财产权和可预测的法治社会。 我有信心，因为我看到其他国家的觉醒，知道我们不能走回头路。从布鲁塞尔、悉尼，到河内，我都听过。最重要的是，我有捍卫自由的信心，因为自由本身的甜美滋味如此美好。
看看昔日光辉的香港，香港民众因着中共紧缩控制而争相出走移民。中国和过去的苏联不同，中国已经深深地与全球经济整合。但北京对我们的依赖远超过我们对中国的依赖。
**
我不接受我们身处于在所难免的时代的说法… 那种说法以为某些陷阱是预定的…中共称霸是未来必然的局面。我们的作法并不会注定失败，因为美国并没有在走下坡。就像我今年稍早在慕尼黑所说，自由世界依然占上风。世界各地的人还是想到开放的社会来读书、来工作，和为家人打造生活。可没有人急着到重庆去安家落户。
***
现在是自由国家采取行动的时候。并非所有国家都将对这个中国挑战采取一样的处理方式，各国的措施也不应相同。每个国家必须要理解，在面对中共的触角时如何保护其国家安全、经济繁荣，和其追求的理想。但我呼吁所有国家从效法美国的作法开始 – 坚持要中共及其并非同质的统治者能遵守互惠、保持透明和负责。
这些是很简单却很有力的标准。长久以来，我们都让中共去定调双方往来的条件。再也没有这种事。自由国家必须设定一致基调，并且遵守相同的操作策略。我们必须画下共同一致的界线，不因中国讨价还价和花言巧语而退让。没错，这就是美国最近的作法，我们干脆的拒绝中国在南中国海的非法宣称… 就像我们敦促各国在5G上成为 “干净国度”。现在由我们来制定标准。
确实，有些国家没勇气站在我们的行列，至少目前如此。我们的北大西洋公约组织盟国之一就不愿为香港的自由挺身而出，因为他们怕北京政府会限制他们进入中国市场。古有名证，这种怯懦终将伤害其人民。让我们不要重复过去的错误。中国所带来的威胁需要民主政体一致的努力…不论是在欧洲、在非洲、在南美洲和特别是在印太区域的各国。
如果我们现在不采取行动，那么有朝一日，中共将侵蚀我们的自由，颠覆自由社会建立的法治秩序。如果我们就此屈膝退让，我们的后代子孙可能要看中共的脸色过日，而中共的行动正是自由世界的最大挑战。习近平并不是注定要永远统治中国海内外，除非我们把这权力拱手让给他。
这不是围堵策略。这是前所未有的、复杂的新挑战：苏联当时自绝于自由世界以外。共产中国已经在我们的世界里，已经在我们的国境里面。
所以面对这挑战我们不能单打独斗。联合国、北大西洋公约组织、G7、G20，我们总结的经济、外交，和军事力量，如果支配妥当，绝对足以抵挡这挑战。也许我们该成立新的志同道合的结盟…新的民主联盟。我们有工具。我们现在需要的是意愿。让我引圣经经文，难道 “我们的精神愿意，但我们的肉体虚弱” 吗？
如果自由世界不改变共产中国，那么共产中国将改变我们。我们不能光因为老方法舒适或方便就重新走上回头路。
VIII. 结论：美国处于帮助自由世界维护自由的有利地位 —— 这也是我们的时代使命
捍卫我们的民主不受中共侵略是我们的时代使命，而美国因着我们的立国原则，处于绝佳的领导地位。上星期在费城，面对独立纪念馆，我解释过，我们的国家的立国原则是所有人都具有一些不可剥夺的权利。
保护这些权利是政府的工作。如此简单而有力的事实也是美国之所以能成为举世人民心目中的自由灯塔，包括中国的人民。理查德˙尼克松在他1967年的投书里说得没错，＂直到中国有所改变，全球才能安全”。现在，就要由我们来完成他的论点。
今天，危险很清楚。
今天，觉醒已经发生。
今天，自由世界必须有所反应。
我们不能再走回头路。
愿上帝保佑各位。
愿上帝保佑中国人民。
愿上帝保佑美国。
谢谢各位。
New Person
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- 声望点数
- 323
题目就有问题，中国还是共产主义吗？自由世界就真正自由？不过是利用一些人对共产主义的恐惧捞政治资本罢了。
鸿蒙
新手上路
- 注册
- 2019-08-25
- 消息
- 421
- 荣誉分数
- 76
- 声望点数
- 38
你这种傻缺还会跳大绳了吗，倒是真有本事去上街啊。把CPC干掉。
