前美国贸易代表：中美应共建“全球合资企业”

[mamaomao]

中美应共建“全球合资企业”

作者：罗伯特•佐立克(ROBERT ZOELLICK)
2007年1月24日 星期三
http://www.ftchinese.com/sc/story.jsp?id=001009137&pos=COVER_STORY

中美两国可以互为利益相关者，在全球经济中展开合作。一些令人鼓舞的迹象表明，这一切正开始成为现实。两国已经启动战略经济对话，中国已与美国、印度、日本和韩国合作组建了一个高层能源组织。很多问题有待于探讨。

迄今为止，媒体主要关注的一直是人民币升值问题。在这一问题上的进展，将确立一种公平竞争的感觉。不过，中美议程的内容需要进一步扩大。一些举措可以为中国向灵活汇率机制过渡做准备。其它举措则可以为两大重要经济体的发展和共享全球繁荣奠定基础。

中国正把精力放在应对内部的巨大挑战上，这一点可以理解。然而，中国领导人承认，中国的发展取决于国际市场。反之，美国需要向本国公众表明，中国经济增长将创造出机会，同时中国也将承担国际责任。



这一战略同时也应鼓励中国，支持公平竞争的国际体系，而公平竞争是增长的基础。以中国的核心问题――构建“和谐社会”――为例，中国领导人正努力实现沿海与内陆之间、城市和农村之间、贫富之间以及环境和增长之间更均衡的增长。中国正在努力扩大消费，一定程度上是为了降低高储蓄率，储蓄率高企加剧了存在争议的经常账户盈余。

美国可以通过多种方式，帮助中国完成这些改革。美国企业可以帮助发展中国内陆地区，将这些内陆省份与全球采购网络联为一体。随着中国农民转向附加值更高的产品，美国农产品有助于降低中国的食品成本。美国零售商可以帮助中国消费者以更低的价格，获得更好的产品和服务，就像它们为本国家庭所做的那样。

其次，中国储蓄率之所以处于高位，是因为原来的社会保障体系已经瓦解。由于中国实行了计划生育政策，且人均寿命不断增长，中国将面临“未富先老”的局面。如果有美国私营部门参与创建新的医疗体系和改革养老金制度，中国将从中获益。

第三，中国的高投资率掩盖了这样一个事实：由于资本配置效率低下，投资回报率不断下滑。中国正开始通过加强保险和股票市场、发展债券市场以及鼓励资产管理和处置服务，为商业银行的改革提供补充。如果这些计划能够得到恰当的实施，将为美国和其它外国企业创造商机，并为开放中国资本市场和放开人民币汇率创造先决条件。这将使中国央行得以利用货币政策工具，缓和不可避免的汇率波动，而不是一味盯住汇率目标。

第四，中美两国在能源和环境领域有着共同的利益。两国都需要在油气之外扩大能源供应。两国都将受益于更为多样化的能源供应。两国都需要提高能效。两国都需要与国际合作者协调战略储备，以应对能源危机。两国都需要保护全球能源交通的咽喉要地。

第五，中国希望建立一种“知识经济”。这在保护知识产权和防范盗版领域为两国创造了共同的利益。中国需要教育服务，其中包括创新信息科技(IT)。美国应鼓励中国参与国际技术标准的制定过程，而不是利用本地标准妨碍竞争。

第六，随着中国企业为开拓市场“走出国门”，中美两国在公开、平等和透明的投资政策方面都有着自己的利益。双方有合作的机会。但中国企业有必要改善公司治理，并提高透明度。

最后，中国能够成为全球经济、健康、环境和能源机制负责任的利益相关者。由于世界卫生组织(WHO)现任总干事是中国人，因此中国可以在抗击传染病、慢性病和流行病的行动中确立标准。作为美洲开发银行(Inter-American Development Bank)的新成员，中国可以将其在大宗商品生产领域的利益，与基础设施投资和环境保护联系起来。作为苏丹的大规模投资者，中国可以敦促苏丹政府同意联合国(UN)在达尔富尔派驻维和人员。作为全球贸易体系的受益国之一，中国应在完成世界贸易组织(WTO)多哈回合(Doha)谈判方面发挥更为积极的作用。

中国明显不同于历史长河中崛起的多数大国。中国希望自身经济的崛起，能够补充、而非取代目前的格局。如果美国和中国承认双方在引领这种转变过程中的战略利益，它们可以建立一项议程，树立对双方及其国际伙伴的信任和支持。

本文作者曾任美国贸易代表和副国务卿。现任高盛集团(Goldman Sachs Group)负责全球事务的副董事长，定期为本报供稿。

译者/梁艳梅

 

[mamaomao]

GLOBAL JOINT VENTURE FOR CHINA AND US

By ROBERT ZOELLICK
Wednesday, January 24, 2007

http://www.ftchinese.com/sc/story_english.jsp?id=001009137&loc=story

America and China can work together as mutual stakeholders in the world economy. There are already encouraging signs that this is beginning to happen. A strategic economic dialogue has begun between the two countries and China has launched a high-level energy group with the US, India, Japan and South Korea. There is much to discuss.

So far a lot of the media focus has been on the appreciation of China's currency. Progress on this issue will establish a sense of fair competition. Yet the Sino-American agenda needs to be broader. Some steps can prepare the way for China's transition to a flexible exchange rate. Others lay the foundation for two important economies to advance and share in global prosperity.

China is understandably preoccupied by its staggering internal challenges. Nevertheless, its leaders recognise that China's development depends on the international marketplace. The US, in turn, needs to show the American public that China's economic growth creates opportunities and that China will share international responsibilities.



This strategy should also encourage China to support the international system of fair competition that underpins its growth. Take China's core concern: the creation of a “harmonious society”. China's leaders are striving for more balanced development ? between the coast and the interior, the cities and countryside, the rich and poor, the environment and growth. China is seeking to boost consumption, in part to lower the high savings rate that fuels the contentious current account surplus.

The US can assist these transformations in a number of ways. US businesses can help develop the interior and link these provinces to global sourcing networks. American farm products can lower the cost of food as rural Chinese move to higher value-added products. US retailers can help Chinese consumers get better goods and services at lower prices, just as they do for families at home.

Second, the Chinese have a high savings rate because the old social safety net has disintegrated. Given the one-child policy and rising longevity, China will grow old before it grows wealthy. It would benefit from US private sector involvement in creating a new healthcare system and reforming pensions.

Third, China's high rate of investment has masked the fact that investment returns have been declining because capital is allocated inefficiently. China is starting to complement its reform of commercial banks with steps to strengthen insurance and equity markets, develop a bond market and foster asset management and disposition services. Properly pursued, these plans offer business opportunities for US and other foreign companies and create the prerequisites for opening China's capital markets and freeing its currency. That step will enable China's central bank to rely on monetary policy tools to moderate inevitable fluctuations, instead of being tied to exchange rate targets.

Fourth, China and the US have common energy and environmental interests. Both need to expand energy supplies beyond oil and gas. Both would benefit from more diverse energy sources. Both need advances in energy efficiency. Both need to co- ordinate strategic reserves with international partners to cope with shocks. And both need to protect global choke-points for energy transport.

Fifth, China wants a “knowledge economy”. This creates a mutual interest in protecting intellectual property and preventing counterfeiting. There is a need for educational services, including innovative information technology. China should be encouraged to participate in the development of international technology standards, rather than using local standards to protect against competition.

Sixth, as Chinese businesses “go global” to develop markets, both countries will have an interest in open, fair and transparent investment policies. There are opportunities for co-operation. But Chinese companies will need to improve corporate governance and transparency.

Finally, China can be a responsible stakeholder in international economic, health, environmental and energy regimes. Since the new head of the World Health Organisation is Chinese, China can set a standard in practices to counter infectious diseases, chronic ailments and pandemics. As a new member of the Inter-American Development Bank, China can combine its interest in commodity production with infrastructure investments and environmental protections. As a big investor in Sudan, it can press Khartoum to accept United Nations peacekeepers in Darfur. As one of the beneficiaries of the global trading system, China should play a more active role in closing a deal in the WTO's Doha round.

China is very different from most examples of rising powers through history. China wants its economic rise to complement, not replace, the current order. If the US and China recognise the strategic stakes in guiding this transition, they can develop an agenda that builds confidence and support in both countries as well as with their international partners.

The author served as US trade representative and deputy secretary of state. He is vice chairman, international, at Goldman Sachs Group and contributes regularly to the FT

 

[mamaomao]

美国前副国务卿佐利克撰文
中美焦点不只是人民币汇率
2007年01月26日02:44 http://world.people.com.cn/GB/14549/5329926.html


　　英国《金融时报》1月22日文章，原题：中美共同的全球使命 美中作为世界经济的共同利益攸关方，有必要发展出一项共同议程。新的战略经济对话可为此提供途径。

　　迄今为止，媒体关注的焦点集中在中国货币升值问题上。但美中议程理应更加广泛。一些举措能为中国向更灵活的汇率过渡作准备，其他的则可为这两个重要经济体推进和分享全球繁荣奠定基础。

　　不难理解，中国对其国内棘手的挑战不敢丝毫掉以轻心。但是，中国已认识到自己的发展离不开国际市场。美国有必要令其公众明白，中国的经济增长创造了机遇，中国将分担国际责任。美中之间需要一项成功的战略，既使美国和其他国家从开放中获益，又能推动中国发展和鼓励中国帮助维持攸关其增长的国际经济体系。中国领导人正致力于在沿海与内陆、城市与农村、富裕与贫困以及环境与增长之间求得更平衡的发展。美国可以为这些转变助上一臂之力。

　　首先，美国企业能帮助中国内陆地区发展，并使这些省份与全球供应网络相联。美国零售商可以帮助中国消费者获得更好的商品和服务，就像他们为本国家庭所做的那样。

　　第二，由于旧的社会保障体制不复存在，中国面临未富先老的局面。在这方面，美国私有部门建立医疗和养老体制的做法可为中国提供借鉴。

　　第三，中国正着手进行商业银行改革，这可为美国和其他外国公司提供商机。

　　第四，中美拥有共同的能源和环境利益。两国都有必要增加核能、可再生能源的供应；两国都将从石油和天然气来源多样化中获益；两国都有必要在战略石油储备问题上与国际伙伴合作以应对石油危机；两国都有必要保护能源运输咽喉要道。

　　第五，中国想要打造一个“知识经济”。这就使美中在保护知识产权和防止假冒上有了共同利益。应该鼓励中国参与制定国际技术标准，而不是让它制定本国标准以防止竞争。

　　第六，随着中国企业“走向全球”，美中两国将在公开、公平和透明的投资政策上产生共同利益。

　　最后，中国可以成为国际经济、卫生、环境和能源体制中一个负责任的利益攸关方。在中国人成为世界卫生组织总干事后，中国事实上可制定抗击传染病、慢性疾病和流行性疾病的标准。作为全球贸易体系的受益者之一，中国应在世贸组织多哈回合谈判中扮演更积极的角色。

　　中国对大国崛起的历史具有敏感性。它自己的崛起之路与过去的大国不同。中国想要其经济崛起补充而不是取代现行的秩序。如果美中认识到在引导这种转变时的战略利益，两国就能制定出一个在两国和其他国家中确立信任和支持的共同议程。▲（作者罗伯特・佐利克为美国前副国务卿，汪析译）

《环球时报》 (2007-01-24 第06版)