世界一流的好文章：薄熙来就是栽在这上面了

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世界一流的好文章：薄熙来就是栽在这上面了
2012-10-01 15:34:19 美国之音
http://news.creaders.net/headline/newsViewer.php?nid=534417&id=1193440&dcid=1

　　近日来，随着中国执政党共产党前重庆市委书记薄熙来被开除出中共，开除公职（被“双开”）、移送司法机关的消息传来，世界媒体关于薄熙来的新闻再度火爆起来。

　　最精美的历史初稿

　　“噩耗”就是坏消息，是对当事人不好的新闻。

　　美国有“新闻就是历史的初稿”的说法。而在中文世界，历来有“文史不分家”的传统，好历史必须是好文章。

　　就薄熙来彻底倒台的历史初稿也就是新闻而言，世界媒体文笔最精美的大概应当首推英国老牌新闻杂志《经济学人》。

　　在世界各国，尤其是西方国家的新闻类周刊杂志境况日渐窘迫之际，《经济学人》杂志却能够一支独秀，发行量不衰，甚至增长，靠的就是它的好文章，好文笔。

　　该杂志的新闻报道文章一般没有记者署名，以体现杂志用一个声音说话。其说新闻的声音幽默俏皮，夹叙夹议，将透彻的新闻分析以俏皮挖苦的语调表现出来。

　　在薄熙来被“双开”消息传出之际，《经济学人》对读者展现的就是这样的文章，这样的语调的典型：

　　“假如倒下，就必定倒个轰轰烈烈。于是，事情果真就这么成了。中共中央前政治局委员薄熙来一度咄咄逼人地谋求晋升中共最高领导层，到头来却被开除出中国共产党。而且，开除他的方式也是共产党的那种大手笔。中国官方的新华社9月28日星期五发出通讯，把一大串吸引眼球的罪名扣到了他头上，罪名包括有多名情妇，收受贿赂。”

　　按理说，《经济学人》杂志所讲的这些事情也是人们大致知道的。但是，它的艺术性就在于能把大家大致知道的事情说得很有趣，让读者能对自己大致知道的事情产生再思考，让那些大致还不知道的读者感觉大开眼界，很好玩。

　　在那不同凡响的开篇之后，《经济学人》杂志的报道接着讲述了薄熙来的种种不同凡响的政治动作，其中包括在重庆大搞“唱红打黑”，试图以此作为晋升中共最高领导层的跳板。然后，《经济学人》杂志扼要分析了薄熙来倒台的原因和必然性：

　　“一个人在中国政坛上要想出人头地，不仅要用功结交盟友，而且更要避免树敌。薄熙来做到了前一方面的事，但却在后一方面的事上栽了。”

　　《经济学人》杂志报道的结尾是：

　　“在薄熙来的同仁当中，其他人也做了跟他一样的事情。这一事实会在审判他的时候很尴尬地凸显出来。但其他人没有对现有的权力秩序构成挑战，而薄熙来咄咄逼人的谋求晋升的努力看来却像是挑战。假如他在重庆任职期间少出些风头，他就有可能不会受到密切注意，从而可以安然退休。但薄熙来不想悄悄退场。到头来他真的是没悄悄退场。”

　　读到这里，读者不得不赞叹这新闻杂志优美的文笔，敏锐的分析，一气贯注，前唿后应的文章结构。绝对是世界一流的好文笔，好文章，好新闻。

 

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Chinese politics
A spectacular fall
Sep 29th 2012, 6:02 by G.E. | BEIJING
http://www.economist.com/blogs/analects/2012/09/chinese-politics

IF HE ever fell, it was going to have to be a great spectacle. And so it has become. Bo Xilai, a former member of the Politburo who had aggressively sought promotion to the most elite circle of power, was expelled from the Communist Party of China in grand communist fashion, with a litany of lurid charges (including mistresses and bribe-taking) heaped high upon him in an account released on Friday, September 28th by Xinhua, an official news service.

The Politburo, which met earlier in the day, decreed that Mr Bo be handed over to judicial authorities. They are now expected to try him for corruption, for abuse of power, and for what amounts to some “major responsibility” in connection with his wife’s murder of Neil Heywood, a British businessman. Mr Bo, who had been the party secretary for the south-western region of Chongqing until he was sacked in March, now becomes the third great figure to face trial for a role in the affair of the Briton’s death in November 2011. Mr Bo’s wife, Gu Kailai, was given a suspended death penalty in August for poisoning Mr Heywood at a hotel in Chongqing. Wang Lijun, Mr Bo’s former police chief, was sentenced to 15 years in prison on September 24th for, among other crimes, his role in covering up the murder—also for his attempted defection to an American consulate in February, the event that triggered Mr Bo’s public downfall. Mr Bo’s trial (its date not yet known) will be China’s most high-profile political case since the Gang of Four were put in the dock 31 years ago for abuses they oversaw during the Cultural Revolution.

For the party’s own future the crucial verdict on Mr Bo was the political one issued on the same day, which buried Mr Bo (and any who would support him), just before a once-a-decade leadership transition at its impending summit. The opening date of the party congress, November 8th, was also announced on September 28th. At its congress the party will unveil the seven or nine members of the next Politburo Standing Committee, the party’s most powerful ruling body. It is to be led by the current vice-president, Xi Jinping, who will stand as the party’s general secretary (he is to assume China’s presidency in March of next year).

Mr Bo, who is 63, had long hoped to play a pivotal role in the next leadership. He is, like Mr Xi, a son of a legendary revolutionary leader, and with the help of his father (Bo Yibo, who died in 2007), he had risen through party ranks: from mayor to provincial governor to minister of commerce and, finally, to a seat on the 25-member Politburo. When Mr Bo was named party secretary of Chongqing in 2007, it was assumed by many to be a dead-end for his career. He would have none of it. Mr Bo, who is unusually charismatic for a senior cadre, embarked on something the Communist Party was not accustomed to: a populist campaign for promotion. He launched an aggressive and highly visible crackdown on criminal gangs and corrupt cops; a nostalgic revival of Mao-era “red songs”; and ambitious schemes to address China’s widening rich-poor gap. Viewed by some as naked opportunism, it was hailed by others as “the Chongqing model”. Mr Bo became a hero to party conservatives who venerate Mao. Some believed he had, in a fashion after Mao, made himself a serious contender for greater power.

It is unclear whether that was ever the case, or whether Mr Bo was already headed for a fall by some point well before Mr Wang’s visit with the Americans or, for that matter, before Mr Heywood’s death. One rises in Chinese politics not only by assiduously courting allies (which Mr Bo did) but also by avoiding the accumulation of enemies (where Mr Bo stumbled). The long list of charges he now faces is in a way a reminder that Mr Bo enjoyed help and protection from many allies, especially his father, to get as far as he did. As he was being promoted, from mayor to governor to minister of commerce and at last to his seat on the Politburo, he was also accruing serious vulnerabilities (and wealth) along the way. Others among his peers have done some of the same things (a fact that will loom uncomfortably over his trial), but they have not challenged the established order, as Mr Bo appeared to be doing with his campaigning. If he had served out his years in Chongqing more quietly, it is possible he would have escaped scrutiny and eased into retirement.

But Mr Bo did not want to go quietly. And in the end, he most certainly has not.

 

[depon]

可笑的是，既然是一丘之貉，为什么会有人同情BO。因为他敢于挑战其他腐败者？还是因为他摆出一副关注共富的姿态（尽管只是表面上的）？还什么“钓鱼岛是中国的，BO是人民的”。是真傻啊，是真傻啊，还是真傻啊

 

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《经济学家》的文字奏是好，偶喜欢。