奴隶主与奴隶的后代会面,惺惺相惜,真滑稽。

各位仔细看过达赖的主张嘛? 光西藏独立就算了, 就算是台独我也不说太多, 加拿大还魁独呢.

他的主张是基本上1/4个中国都要分出去, 四川甘肃云南基本都要, 这就太离谱了.
An Appeal to the Chinese People
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters around the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and make a personal appeal to all of you.

I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.

Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my personal motivation.

I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from facts". I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating a rift between the Chinese people and myself, the Chinese authorities assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.

Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at others we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.

The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet too was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954/55, attending the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Chinese Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine regional autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.

In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution - we had already recognized that, sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.

Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia's major rivers; therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion - as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.

In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.

This year, the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.

I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a 'separatist'. Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.

Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation.

With my prayers,

The Dalai Lama

March 28, 2008
 
呵呵,达赖的身份是出家僧人,还是政客?一目了然啦!历史的证据比比皆是,否认不了的。
对井底之蛙来说,天也是可以一目了然的。:tx:
 
各位仔细看过达赖的主张嘛? 光西藏独立就算了, 就算是台独我也不说太多, 加拿大还魁独呢.

他的主张是基本上1/4个中国都要分出去, 四川甘肃云南基本都要, 这就太离谱了.

1987年9月,達賴喇嘛提出五點西藏和平計畫,做為和平解決不斷惡化的西藏情勢的第一步。他計畫西藏成為一個和平地帶,亞洲中央的一個聖地,所有的有情眾生在這裡,皆能和平相處;脆弱的環境也受到保護。可是到目前為止,達賴喇嘛所提出的各項和平方案,都得不到中共積極的回應。

五點和平計畫:

1987年九月二十一日,達賴喇嘛在華盛頓對美國國會發表演說,提出一項和平計畫,其中包括以下五個基本要點:
  1. 將整個西藏轉變成一個和平區。
  2. 中國應停止其移民政策,此一政策正直接威脅到西藏做為一個民族的生 存。
  3. 尊重西藏人民的基本人權及民主自由。
  4. 恢復及保護西藏的自然環境;中國應停止以西藏做為核子武器的生產基地以及核廢棄物的堆積場。
  5. 中國及西藏應著手就西藏未來地位以及兩個民族之間的關係進行積極的磋商。

史特拉斯堡提議

一九八八年六月十五日,達賴喇嘛法國於史特拉斯堡,對歐洲議會發表演說。達賴喇嘛針對前述五點和平計畫的最後一點,提出詳盡的闡述。他提議中國及西藏人民之間的和談,以達成協議,促成西藏所有三個省區成立一個自治的,民主的政治實體。此一實體將保持與中華人民共和國之間的關係,並將其外交及國防政策繼續交由中國政府負責
 
An Appeal to the Chinese People
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters around the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and make a personal appeal to all of you.

I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.

Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my personal motivation.

I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from facts". I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating a rift between the Chinese people and myself, the Chinese authorities assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.

Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at others we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.

The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet too was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954/55, attending the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Chinese Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine regional autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.

In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution - we had already recognized that, sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.

Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia's major rivers; therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion - as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.

In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.

This year, the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.

I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a 'separatist'. Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.

Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation.

With my prayers,

The Dalai Lama

March 28, 2008

整中译版本把

十四世達賴喇嘛對全球華人的呼籲

今天我首先向全球華人同胞,尤其向中華人民共和國境內的所有漢藏同胞們,表示真誠、友好的問候!同時,針對近期在西藏發生的事件,以及相關的漢藏民族關係等問題發表我的想法,並以我個人的身份對大家做出一些呼籲﹕

這次在西藏發生的不幸事件造成許多人員的死亡是極其不幸的,得知其中有少數漢人也喪生。為此,我感到萬分的同情和悲傷。在這裏,我要向所有的死難者及其家屬表示沈痛的哀悼和慰問。同時也為死難者的亡靈進行做法祈禱。

這次事件不僅表明了西藏境內的緊張局勢,同時也表明了通過和談尋求實現和解的緊迫性。為了扭轉目前這一情勢繼續惡化的局勢,我已向中國領導人表達了為實現和平與穩定而共同配合的意願。

在這裏,我向漢族同胞們保證,我絕對沒有分裂西藏或者是在漢藏民族間製造矛盾的圖謀,相反地,我時常為尋求西藏問題在漢藏民族長久互利的基礎獲得解決而進行努力。正如我多次闡明的那樣,我關注的是西藏民族獨特的文化、語言文字以及民族特性,並使之得以延續與保護的問題。做為一個如法守戒的佛教比丘,我保證,我的願望是真誠的,我的動機是誠懇的!

今天我要呼籲中國領導人,重新審視你們對我的評價,實事求是地解決存在的問題,並希望能夠運用智慧與藏人展開有實質意義的和談。為了促使國內實現穩定與和諧,避免在民族之間製造矛盾。中國官方媒體在報道這次事件時,採用編造和歪曲事實真相的宣傳方式,其可能引發的難於預測的後果,乃至給未來的民族沖突埋下禍根等現象。對此,我感到萬分的焦慮。例如,為了在我和漢族同胞之間製造矛盾,中國政府不顧我一直支持北京舉辦奧林匹克運動會的事實,居然宣稱我在破壞北京舉辦奧運會。然而,有部分漢族有識之士和學者對中國領導人的行為,以及由此可能導致未來民族關係難於逆轉的惡果等現象表現出極大的關注,這令人鼓舞。

藏漢兩個民族自古以來毗鄰而居,在兩千多年的歷史歲月中,我們之間曾有過聯姻的親密,也有過戰爭的硝煙。佛教從印度傳入中國的時間早於西藏,因此,漢族被藏人視為兄長而受尊敬,在海外,與我有過接觸的漢人,包括從大陸來的朝聖者大都瞭解這一點。這一切鼓舞著我,並使我相信這將有助於藏漢人民的相互理解和信任。

在二十世紀,整個世界發生了一系列的巨變,西藏也未能例外。 1949年中華人民共和國成立以後,人民解放軍就進入西藏,最終於 1951年 5月簽訂了“十七條協議”,尤其是我在 1954年、 55年間參加全國人大會議期間,認識了以毛主席為首的大多數中央領導人並成為朋友。特別是在很多問題上得到毛主席的許多教導。並就西藏的未來得到他本人的許多承諾。由於受到這些承諾的鼓舞,加上受當時大部分中國革命領導人的決心和激情的影響,我滿懷期望和信心地返回了西藏。一些藏族的共產黨領導人也抱有相同的期望。 返回拉薩後,我竭盡全力地為雪域西藏在中華人民共和國大家庭中實現名副其實的民族區域自治而進行了努力,我堅信這是實現藏漢兩個民族長遠共同利益的最好途徑。

然而令人遺憾的是,大約從 1956年起,西藏局勢開始動蕩不安。到 1959年 3月 10日拉薩發生和平起義,我本人也被迫流亡他國。在以後的歲月裏,誠如前世班禪喇嘛於 1989年1月份的講話中指出的那樣:“在西藏雖然有許多建設和發展,但同時也遭受巨大的破壞和鎮壓”;從根本而言,西藏人民處於慌懼不安之中,中國政府對藏人處在疑懼與提防的狀態中。即使如此,我在1960年寫的祈詞中祈禱:“願愚頑群體能識取捨,共具慈愛友好之福澤”。其中我並沒有將剛剛殘酷無情地鎮壓了西藏人民的中國政府視為敵人,而是祈禱能夠化敵為友,友好相處。現在,這篇祈禱詞已經成為在校學生為主的藏人每天必誦的功課。

1974年,我與噶廈,議會的正,副議長經過深入思考和討論之後,決定尋求一個藏漢共同和平發展,而不需要分裂的解決途徑。當時中國還處於文化大革命的動亂中,我們與中國政府之間也沒有任何聯繫管道,但我們認為,西藏問題遲早要通過和談得到解決,西藏留在中國,至少在經濟發展和現代建設方面可以受惠。因為西藏僅管有著悠久的歷史和豐富的文明,但經濟建設落後。

西藏高原是亞洲諸大河流的發源地,因此,保護西藏高原的生態環境是至關重要的,我們最焦慮的是如何保護以慈悲為核心之藏傳佛教文化,以及如何保護和延續西藏的語言文字和民族特性等。因此,我們非常真誠地為整個藏民族尋求名副其實的民族區域自治。關於藏族等各民族的這些權利,在中華人民共和國《憲法》中已有明確規定。

1979年,當時的中國最高領導人鄧小平對我的代表提出:“只要不談獨立,西藏的其他問題都可以協商解決”。由於我們已經對西藏問題在中華人民共和國憲法框架範圍內尋求解決有了一個明確地認識,因此,我們已做好了充分的準備。其後,我的代表們曾多次與中華人民共和國的有關人員接觸。從2002年恢復接觸以後,至今雖已進行了六輪會談,卻均無實質突破。雖然如此,正如我已多次聲明的那樣,我要再次重申:我對中間道路的立場沒有任何的改變,並願繼續保持接觸和商談。

今年將在北京舉辦奧林匹克運動會,是中國人民期待已久的盛會,我從一開始就支持給予中國主辦奧運的機會,現在仍然堅持這一立場。中國是世界人口最多且具有悠久歷史和燦爛文明的國家。隨著經濟 的發展而且在日益凸顯其大國的氣魄,這是值得歡迎的。但與此同時為了贏得國際社會的重視和尊敬,必須要創造出透明、自由、法制、寬容與和諧的社會。例如因為對天安門事件沒有得到合理公正的處理,致使很多漢人遭受痛苦。當前,在一些鄉村,腐敗的地方幹部對成千上萬受到不公平對待的平民百姓的依法訴求要麼不予理睬,要麼採取各種強制手段來壓制。我對這一切的感受是基於作為人類的一員,同時作為願意成為中華人民共和國大家庭一員的。我認同和支持中華人民共和國主席胡錦濤先生提倡的“和諧”政策,但“和諧社會”需要言論自由,法制以及在對個人自由得到保障的基礎才能產生,如果實現這一切,我堅信,包括西藏、新疆和內蒙等許多的重大問題都可以得到解決,雖然內蒙的蒙古族只占內蒙古自治區總人口 2400萬的百分之二十不到。

最近,聽胡錦濤先生說西藏的穩定關係到全國的穩定之講話後,我對開啟一個解決西藏問題的新時代充滿了期待。然而,令人遺憾的是,不論我如何誠心實意地避免漢藏分離而進行努力,有些中國領導人仍繼續對我進行毫無根據的指責和批判。尤其是從今年三月十日以來,為發泄長期積累的怨恨和不滿,在以拉薩為主的西藏三區許多地方爆發了民眾自發的和平抗議示威,而中國政府則竟然馬上就指責是我挑動製造了這些事件。對此,我呼籲組成具有公信力的獨立調查組織,對事件進行徹底的調查,澄清事實,查明真相!

在此我要呼籲全球所有的漢族同胞們,不論你們身處何地,請關心我們兩個民族間存在的問題,盡心盡力地去消除彼此間沒有必要的疑慮和猜忌,為了促成和談,在寬容、理解的基礎上解決西藏問題而做出貢獻。
祈願世界和平安樂!

釋迦比丘 十四世達賴喇嘛 丹增嘉措於 西元 2008年 3月 28日
 
整中译版本把

今天我首先向全球華人同胞,尤其向中華人民共和國境內的所有漢藏同胞們,表示真誠、友好的問候!同時,針對近期在西藏發生的事件,以及相關的漢藏民族關係等問題發表我的想法,並以我個人的身份對大家做出一些呼籲﹕

這次在西藏發生的不幸事件造成許多人員的死亡是極其不幸的,得知其中有少數漢人也喪生。為此,我感到萬分的同情和悲傷。在這裏,我要向所有的死難者及其家屬表示沈痛的哀悼和慰問。同時也為死難者的亡靈進行做法祈禱。

這次事件不僅表明了西藏境內的緊張局勢,同時也表明了通過和談尋求實現和解的緊迫性。為了扭轉目前這一情勢繼續惡化的局勢,我已向中國領導人表達了為實現和平與穩定而共同配合的意願。

在這裏,我向漢族同胞們保證,我絕對沒有分裂西藏或者是在漢藏民族間製造矛盾的圖謀,相反地,我時常為尋求西藏問題在漢藏民族長久互利的基礎獲得解決而進行努力。正如我多次闡明的那樣,我關注的是西藏民族獨特的文化、語言文字以及民族特性,並使之得以延續與保護的問題。做為一個如法守戒的佛教比丘,我保證,我的願望是真誠的,我的動機是誠懇的!

今天我要呼籲中國領導人,重新審視你們對我的評價,實事求是地解決存在的問題,並希望能夠運用智慧與藏人展開有實質意義的和談。為了促使國內實現穩定與和諧,避免在民族之間製造矛盾。中國官方媒體在報道這次事件時,採用編造和歪曲事實真相的宣傳方式,其可能引發的難於預測的後果,乃至給未來的民族沖突埋下禍根等現象。對此,我感到萬分的焦慮。例如,為了在我和漢族同胞之間製造矛盾,中國政府不顧我一直支持北京舉辦奧林匹克運動會的事實,居然宣稱我在破壞北京舉辦奧運會。然而,有部分漢族有識之士和學者對中國領導人的行為,以及由此可能導致未來民族關係難於逆轉的惡果等現象表現出極大的關注,這令人鼓舞。

藏漢兩個民族自古以來毗鄰而居,在兩千多年的歷史歲月中,我們之間曾有過聯姻的親密,也有過戰爭的硝煙。佛教從印度傳入中國的時間早於西藏,因此,漢族被藏人視為兄長而受尊敬,在海外,與我有過接觸的漢人,包括從大陸來的朝聖者大都瞭解這一點。這一切鼓舞著我,並使我相信這將有助於藏漢人民的相互理解和信任。

在二十世紀,整個世界發生了一系列的巨變,西藏也未能例外。 1949年中華人民共和國成立以後,人民解放軍就進入西藏,最終於 1951年 5月簽訂了“十七條協議”,尤其是我在 1954年、 55年間參加全國人大會議期間,認識了以毛主席為首的大多數中央領導人並成為朋友。特別是在很多問題上得到毛主席的許多教導。並就西藏的未來得到他本人的許多承諾。由於受到這些承諾的鼓舞,加上受當時大部分中國革命領導人的決心和激情的影響,我滿懷期望和信心地返回了西藏。一些藏族的共產黨領導人也抱有相同的期望。 返回拉薩後,我竭盡全力地為雪域西藏在中華人民共和國大家庭中實現名副其實的民族區域自治而進行了努力,我堅信這是實現藏漢兩個民族長遠共同利益的最好途徑。

然而令人遺憾的是,大約從 1956年起,西藏局勢開始動蕩不安。到 1959年 3月 10日拉薩發生和平起義,我本人也被迫流亡他國。在以後的歲月裏,誠如前世班禪喇嘛於 1989年1月份的講話中指出的那樣:“在西藏雖然有許多建設和發展,但同時也遭受巨大的破壞和鎮壓”;從根本而言,西藏人民處於慌懼不安之中,中國政府對藏人處在疑懼與提防的狀態中。即使如此,我在1960年寫的祈詞中祈禱:“願愚頑群體能識取捨,共具慈愛友好之福澤”。其中我並沒有將剛剛殘酷無情地鎮壓了西藏人民的中國政府視為敵人,而是祈禱能夠化敵為友,友好相處。現在,這篇祈禱詞已經成為在校學生為主的藏人每天必誦的功課。

1974年,我與噶廈,議會的正,副議長經過深入思考和討論之後,決定尋求一個藏漢共同和平發展,而不需要分裂的解決途徑。當時中國還處於文化大革命的動亂中,我們與中國政府之間也沒有任何聯繫管道,但我們認為,西藏問題遲早要通過和談得到解決,西藏留在中國,至少在經濟發展和現代建設方面可以受惠。因為西藏僅管有著悠久的歷史和豐富的文明,但經濟建設落後。

西藏高原是亞洲諸大河流的發源地,因此,保護西藏高原的生態環境是至關重要的,我們最焦慮的是如何保護以慈悲為核心之藏傳佛教文化,以及如何保護和延續西藏的語言文字和民族特性等。因此,我們非常真誠地為整個藏民族尋求名副其實的民族區域自治。關於藏族等各民族的這些權利,在中華人民共和國《憲法》中已有明確規定。

1979年,當時的中國最高領導人鄧小平對我的代表提出:“只要不談獨立,西藏的其他問題都可以協商解決”。由於我們已經對西藏問題在中華人民共和國憲法框架範圍內尋求解決有了一個明確地認識,因此,我們已做好了充分的準備。其後,我的代表們曾多次與中華人民共和國的有關人員接觸。從2002年恢復接觸以後,至今雖已進行了六輪會談,卻均無實質突破。雖然如此,正如我已多次聲明的那樣,我要再次重申:我對中間道路的立場沒有任何的改變,並願繼續保持接觸和商談。

今年將在北京舉辦奧林匹克運動會,是中國人民期待已久的盛會,我從一開始就支持給予中國主辦奧運的機會,現在仍然堅持這一立場。中國是世界人口最多且具有悠久歷史和燦爛文明的國家。隨著經濟 的發展而且在日益凸顯其大國的氣魄,這是值得歡迎的。但與此同時為了贏得國際社會的重視和尊敬,必須要創造出透明、自由、法制、寬容與和諧的社會。例如因為對天安門事件沒有得到合理公正的處理,致使很多漢人遭受痛苦。當前,在一些鄉村,腐敗的地方幹部對成千上萬受到不公平對待的平民百姓的依法訴求要麼不予理睬,要麼採取各種強制手段來壓制。我對這一切的感受是基於作為人類的一員,同時作為願意成為中華人民共和國大家庭一員的。我認同和支持中華人民共和國主席胡錦濤先生提倡的“和諧”政策,但“和諧社會”需要言論自由,法制以及在對個人自由得到保障的基礎才能產生,如果實現這一切,我堅信,包括西藏、新疆和內蒙等許多的重大問題都可以得到解決,雖然內蒙的蒙古族只占內蒙古自治區總人口 2400萬的百分之二十不到。

最近,聽胡錦濤先生說西藏的穩定關係到全國的穩定之講話後,我對開啟一個解決西藏問題的新時代充滿了期待。然而,令人遺憾的是,不論我如何誠心實意地避免漢藏分離而進行努力,有些中國領導人仍繼續對我進行毫無根據的指責和批判。尤其是從今年三月十日以來,為發泄長期積累的怨恨和不滿,在以拉薩為主的西藏三區許多地方爆發了民眾自發的和平抗議示威,而中國政府則竟然馬上就指責是我挑動製造了這些事件。對此,我呼籲組成具有公信力的獨立調查組織,對事件進行徹底的調查,澄清事實,查明真相!

在此我要呼籲全球所有的漢族同胞們,不論你們身處何地,請關心我們兩個民族間存在的問題,盡心盡力地去消除彼此間沒有必要的疑慮和猜忌,為了促成和談,在寬容、理解的基礎上解決西藏問題而做出貢獻。
祈願世界和平安樂!

釋迦比丘 十四世達賴喇嘛 丹增嘉措於 西元 2008年 3月 28日
英文的看着有味道:evil::evil::evil:
 
对井底之蛙来说,天也是可以一目了然的。:tx:

井底之蛙见过这些东西吗?这可是达赖的用具啊!


124633710686

(人骨法器)西藏密宗法器:骷髏碗

藏傳佛教密宗盛行用人的骨骼製成各種法器。骷髏碗也稱人頭器,它是密宗修祛者舉行灌頂儀式時,在灌頂壺內盛聖水,頭器內盛酒,師傅將聖水灑在修 行 者頭上,並讓其喝酒,然後授予密法。灌頂的意義是使修行者聰明和衝卻一切污穢。
124633710735

西藏密宗法器:人骨笛

藏語稱為“罡洞”,長約三十釐米,是用人的小腿骨製成,局部包銀或銅,吹起來聲音尖利刺耳,給人以恐怖之感。
124633710772

西藏密宗法器:骨珠

以修持成就之喇嘛的眉心骨或頭頂骨做成。一位喇嘛只能取一枚,故一百零八顆的念珠,即是一百零八位成就喇嘛之加持。另外,骨珠所代表的意義,若依世俗義來說,是表示無常,提醒死亡隨時到來,當精勤修持。若依勝義說,則是表徵空性。
124633710819

西藏密宗法器:人皮鼓

忿怒尊或持明尊所持之法器。以兩個天靈蓋相背接合,兩面再蒙以人皮,涂作綠色。修法中,於頌讚時,配合金剛鈴杵使用。
124633710872

西藏密宗法器:嘎巴拉

即天靈蓋,怒尊所持之法器。通常以喇嘛死後的頭蓋骨做成,表徵空性。平通用以盛甘露,供於壇城上。

“為達賴喇嘛唸經祝壽,下密院全體人員需念忿怒十五施回遮法,為切實完成此事,需當時拋食,急需濕腸一付、頭顱兩個,各種血、人皮一整張,望即送來。”

這封50年代初舊西藏地方政府有關部門致《熱不典頭目》的一封令人震驚的信件,至今保存在西藏自治區檔案館裏。

記者是在新社會成長的藏族青年,沒有親眼目睹舊西藏的黑暗、殘暴,但眼前這些仍散發著血腥氣的命令和文件,把記者帶向了封建農奴制度下的悲慘歲月。走在檔 案館的大廳裏,目睹這些真實記載著歷史的令人毛骨悚然的檔案,我禁不住想,舊西藏的人權記錄,是多麼的不光彩、多麼的可恥啊!
124633710958

     被農奴主剝下的小孩皮
124633711046

熱格:

本處需進行天女敬食佛事,需頭盧四具、腸子十付、凈血、污血、廢墟土、寡婦經血、麻風病人血、各種肉、各種心、各種血、陰地之水、旋風土、向北生之荊棘。狗糞、人糞、屠夫之靴等物,務于20日送往次曲康。
124633711076

致熱刀頭目:

為達賴喇嘛唸經祝壽,下密院全體人員需念忿怒十五施食回遮法。為切實完成此次佛事,需于當日拋食,急需濕腸一付,頭盧兩個,各種血,人皮一整張,望立即送來。
124633711133

        農奴主剝下的農奴的皮

http://mypaper.pchome.com.tw/hiloci/post/1308567373
 
最后编辑:
井底之蛙见过这些东西吗?这是达赖的用具啊!


124633710686

(人骨法器)西藏密宗法器:骷髏碗

藏傳佛教密宗盛行用人的骨骼製成各種法器。骷髏碗也稱人頭器,它是密宗修祛者舉行灌頂儀式時,在灌頂壺內盛聖水,頭器內盛酒,師傅將聖水灑在修 行 者頭上,並讓其喝酒,然後授予密法。灌頂的意義是使修行者聰明和衝卻一切污穢。
124633710735

西藏密宗法器:人骨笛

藏語稱為“罡洞”,長約三十釐米,是用人的小腿骨製成,局部包銀或銅,吹起來聲音尖利刺耳,給人以恐怖之感。
124633710772

西藏密宗法器:骨珠

以修持成就之喇嘛的眉心骨或頭頂骨做成。一位喇嘛只能取一枚,故一百零八顆的念珠,即是一百零八位成就喇嘛之加持。另外,骨珠所代表的意義,若依世俗義來說,是表示無常,提醒死亡隨時到來,當精勤修持。若依勝義說,則是表徵空性。
124633710819

西藏密宗法器:人皮鼓

忿怒尊或持明尊所持之法器。以兩個天靈蓋相背接合,兩面再蒙以人皮,涂作綠色。修法中,於頌讚時,配合金剛鈴杵使用。
124633710872

西藏密宗法器:嘎巴拉

即天靈蓋,怒尊所持之法器。通常以喇嘛死後的頭蓋骨做成,表徵空性。平通用以盛甘露,供於壇城上。

“為達賴喇嘛唸經祝壽,下密院全體人員需念忿怒十五施回遮法,為切實完成此事,需當時拋食,急需濕腸一付、頭顱兩個,各種血、人皮一整張,望即送來。”

這封50年代初舊西藏地方政府有關部門致《熱不典頭目》的一封令人震驚的信件,至今保存在西藏自治區檔案館裏。

記者是在新社會成長的藏族青年,沒有親眼目睹舊西藏的黑暗、殘暴,但眼前這些仍散發著血腥氣的命令和文件,把記者帶向了封建農奴制度下的悲慘歲月。走在檔 案館的大廳裏,目睹這些真實記載著歷史的令人毛骨悚然的檔案,我禁不住想,舊西藏的人權記錄,是多麼的不光彩、多麼的可恥啊!
124633710958

     被農奴主剝下的小孩皮
124633711046

熱格:

本處需進行天女敬食佛事,需頭盧四具、腸子十付、凈血、污血、廢墟土、寡婦經血、麻風病人血、各種肉、各種心、各種血、陰地之水、旋風土、向北生之荊棘。狗糞、人糞、屠夫之靴等物,務于20日送往次曲康。
124633711076

致熱刀頭目:

為達賴喇嘛唸經祝壽,下密院全體人員需念忿怒十五施食回遮法。為切實完成此次佛事,需于當日拋食,急需濕腸一付,頭盧兩個,各種血,人皮一整張,望立即送來。
124633711133

        農奴主剝下的農奴的皮

你都不懂佛法,这些东西对你来说就是天外之天了。你不仅谤僧,现在是在谤法了。好自为之吧。
 
最后编辑:
你连显宗的佛法都不懂,这些东西对你来说就是天外之天了。
佛跟达赖能等同吗?奴隶主是佛吗?
老飞反奴隶主、不反对佛法。
 
佛跟达赖能等同吗?奴隶主是佛吗?
老飞反奴隶主、不反对佛法。
你对达赖喇嘛的看法,是受国内大陆政府的教育形成的,对你来说好像是天经地义的。

你知道西藏人是如何看待达赖喇嘛的吗?

作为汉人,几乎没有人不知道观世音菩萨的。想来你也不例外。

对西藏人来说,达赖喇嘛就是观世音菩萨,你说观世音菩萨是佛不是?
 
一个用骷髏碗、人骨笛、人皮鼓的奴隶主达赖,居然是美国总统的座上客,这世界还有公平正义吗?
 
你对达赖喇嘛的看法,是受国内大陆政府的教育形成的,对你来说好像是天经地义的。

你知道西藏人是如何看待达赖喇嘛的吗?

作为汉人,几乎没有人不知道观世音菩萨的。想来你也不例外。

对西藏人来说,达赖喇嘛就是观世音菩萨,你说观世音菩萨是佛不是?
历史是经历了神权、君权、到民权的。无论东方、还是西方,神权社会都是最黑暗的。西藏在解放前就是世界上唯一的神权社会,政教合一,是世界上仅存的最黑暗的社会,21楼那些可怕器具可以明证。95%的人民是奴隶,达赖就是这些人的奴隶主。而你居然还无知到说达赖是慈悲的观世音菩萨,为此而努力给达赖涂脂抹粉,想给达赖复辟,开历史的倒车也开得太过分了吧!
 
最后编辑:
历史是经历了神权、君权、到民权的。无论东方、还是西方,神权社会都是最黑暗的。西藏在解放前就是世界上唯一的神权社会,政教合一,是世界上仅存的最黑暗的社会,所以才有21楼那些可怕器具。95%的人民是奴隶,达赖就是这些人的奴隶主。而你居然还无知到说达赖是慈悲的观世音菩萨,为此而努力给达赖涂脂抹粉,想给达赖复辟,开历史的倒车也太过分了吧!
历史就那么简单,谁都能开倒车?:tx:

又是复辟,又是倒车, 哎吆喂,我这是在哪呀:dx:
 
历史就那么简单,谁都能开倒车?:tx:

又是复辟,又是倒车, 哎吆喂,我这是在哪呀:dx:
你要信佛,建议你学学星云大师!
达赖太邪恶,还是免了好。
 
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