打破37年惯例，美国当选总统特朗普与中华民国总统蔡英文通电话
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打了习大大是意料之中的。。。。这还没正式上台呢，这一耳光，能打醒海内外华人川粉吗？他们梦想民主党下台，美国不会围堵南海了，不会干涉钓鱼岛了，不会阻碍习大大一带一路了(这些都是华裔媒体讨论的)
前面有人说的好，醒醒吧习粉川粉们，闯王与习大是两路人
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外交部发言人耿爽就美国当选总统特朗普同台湾地区领导人蔡英文通电话答记者问
2016年12月03日 17:49:23 来源： 新华社
新华社北京12月3日电 外交部发言人耿爽3日就美国当选总统特朗普同台湾地区领导人蔡英文通电话答记者问时表示，已就此向美国有关方面提出严正交涉。
有记者问，据媒体报道，12月2日美国当选总统特朗普同台湾地区领导人蔡英文通了电话。请问中方有何评论？
耿爽说：“我们注意到有关报道，已就此向美国有关方面提出严正交涉。”
他说，必须指出，世界上只有一个中国，台湾是中国领土不可分割的一部分，中华人民共和国政府是代表中国的唯一合法政府，这是国际社会公认的事实。
“一个中国原则是中美关系的政治基础。我们敦促美国有关方面信守奉行一个中国政策、遵守中美三个联合公报原则的承诺，谨慎、妥善处理涉台问题，以免中美关系大局受到不必要的干扰。”他说。
2016年12月03日 17:49:23 来源： 新华社
新华社北京12月3日电 外交部发言人耿爽3日就美国当选总统特朗普同台湾地区领导人蔡英文通电话答记者问时表示，已就此向美国有关方面提出严正交涉。
有记者问，据媒体报道，12月2日美国当选总统特朗普同台湾地区领导人蔡英文通了电话。请问中方有何评论？
耿爽说：“我们注意到有关报道，已就此向美国有关方面提出严正交涉。”
他说，必须指出，世界上只有一个中国，台湾是中国领土不可分割的一部分，中华人民共和国政府是代表中国的唯一合法政府，这是国际社会公认的事实。
“一个中国原则是中美关系的政治基础。我们敦促美国有关方面信守奉行一个中国政策、遵守中美三个联合公报原则的承诺，谨慎、妥善处理涉台问题，以免中美关系大局受到不必要的干扰。”他说。
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Taiwan Call Gives China a Clue on What to Expect From Donald Trump
New York Times, By JANE PERLEZDEC. 3, 2016
BEIJING — China’s leaders have been markedly reticent about what kind of leader they think Donald J. Trump will be. A pragmatic dealmaker, as his business background might indicate? Or a provocateur who tests the ways of statecraft?
By talking on Friday with Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen, Mr. Trump answered that question in stark terms, Chinese analysts said Saturday. Breaking decades of American diplomatic practice, he caught the Chinese government off guard by lunging into the most sensitive of its so-called core interests, the “One China” policy agreed to by President Richard M. Nixon more than four decades ago.
“This is a wake-up call for Beijing — we should buckle up for a pretty rocky six months or year in the China-U.S. relationship,” Wang Dong, an associate professor at the School of International Studies at Peking University, said Saturday. “There was a sort of delusion based on overly optimistic ideas about Trump. That should stop.”
Chinese leaders covet stability in their relationship with Washington, and perhaps for that reason, they have allowed fairly rosy assessments of Mr. Trump to appear in the state-run news media. Many of those accounts have depicted the president-elect as a practical operator devoid of ideology, the kind of person China might find common ground with despite his threats of a trade war.
In the hope of maintaining a relatively smooth relationship as Mr. Trump begins his administration, Beijing will probably take a wait-and-see attitude despite his phone call with Ms. Tsai, said Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations at Renmin University.
Indeed, China’s first official reaction, from Foreign Minister Wang Yi, was fairly benign — though it was firm in reiterating the One China policy, under which the United States formally recognized Beijing as China’s sole government in 1978 and broke ties with Taiwan a year later. No American president or president-elect had spoken to a Taiwanese president since then.
Mr. Wang blamed Ms. Tsai’s government for arranging the call. “It won’t stand a chance to change the One China policy agreed upon by the international community,” he said.
A follow-up statement from the Foreign Ministry on Saturday, noting that the ministry had filed a formal complaint with the United States government, was similar in tone. It urged “relevant parties in the U.S.” to “deal with the Taiwan issue in a prudent, proper manner.”
China’s leaders disdain Ms. Tsai, of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party, who was elected president this year after pledging to wean the island off its economic dependence on China, a policy that won enthusiastic support from younger Taiwanese.
China favored her opponent, Hung Hsiu-chu of the Kuomintang, which has sought closer ties with mainland China. Before the election, President Xi Jinping of China met with Ms. Tsai’s predecessor, Ma Ying-jeou, also of the Kuomintang, in the first encounter between the leaders of the two governments, a rapprochement that Beijing had long sought.
Mr. Trump broke a Chinese taboo merely by using Ms. Tsai’s title. The Chinese state news media refer to the Taiwanese president as the “leader of the Taiwan region,” to indicate that Beijing regards Taiwan not as a sovereign nation but as Chinese territory to eventually be brought under its control.
A basic tenet of the Chinese government is that Taiwan, where Chiang Kai-shek’s forces fled in 1949 after losing China’s civil war, will be brought back into the fold. According to Mr. Xi, Taiwan is destined to become an integral part of his so-called China Dream, a vision of an economically successful Communist China astride the world.
Mr. Trump’s phone call also violated a longstanding principle of American policy: that the president does not speak to the head of Taiwan’s government, despite selling arms to it. “Interesting how the US sells Taiwan billions of dollars of military equipment but I should not accept a congratulatory call,” Mr. Trump said on Twitter after the stunned reaction to his conversation with Ms. Tsai.
Though Beijing vehemently protests the arms sales, it also warily acknowledges them as part of long-established practice. Since the mid-1990s, Washington has signaled to Taiwan that it will not support any military effort to gain independence from China.
The Obama administration’s last arms sale to Taiwan, in 2015, was relatively modest — consisting of antitank missiles, two frigates and surveillance gear, worth $1.8 billion in total — but it still provoked a bitter denunciation from Beijing.
Douglas H. Paal, a former director of the American Institute in Taiwan, which represents American interests there, said it would not be surprising if the United States sold arms to Taiwan early in the Trump administration. Beijing’s reaction would depend on the price tag, the kinds of weapons sold and how the administration informed China of the sale, Mr. Paal said.
While it broke diplomatic precedent, Mr. Trump’s conversation with Ms. Tsai could be seen in some ways as following a pattern of Republican presidents’ reaching out to Taiwan, although others did not do so before taking office.
George W. Bush, for example, was vocal in his support of Taiwan early in his presidency, saying in a television interview that the United States would do “whatever it took” to defend it. His aides said afterward that the comment did not reflect a change in the One China policy. By the end of his second term, Mr. Bush had helped to strengthen trade ties between Beijing and Washington through the approval of China’s entry into the World Trade Organization.
Though Mr. Trump has received generally favorable coverage in the state news media, some Chinese analysts have expressed irritation with him, and some have suggested that his administration will offer China opportunities to show strength.
Yan Xuetong, a professor of international relations at Tsinghua University and a foreign policy hawk, said the overall tenor of the China-United States relationship in the coming years would depend a great deal on the personal chemistry between Mr. Trump and Mr. Xi. He said China, with its growing military and the second-largest economy in the world, could largely afford to act as it liked. “China is increasingly resilient to the United States,” he said.
Shen Dingli, a professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, took a contrarian view of Mr. Trump’s call with Ms. Tsai: He said it was not a problem because Mr. Trump had yet to take office. “He is a private citizen,” he said.
But if such contacts continue after Inauguration Day, Mr. Shen said, China should end diplomatic relations with the United States.
“I would close our embassy in Washington and withdraw our diplomats,” he said. “I would be perfectly happy to end the relationship. I don’t know how you are then going to expect China to cooperate on Iran and North Korea and climate change. You are going to ask Taiwan for that?”
New York Times, By JANE PERLEZDEC. 3, 2016
BEIJING — China’s leaders have been markedly reticent about what kind of leader they think Donald J. Trump will be. A pragmatic dealmaker, as his business background might indicate? Or a provocateur who tests the ways of statecraft?
By talking on Friday with Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen, Mr. Trump answered that question in stark terms, Chinese analysts said Saturday. Breaking decades of American diplomatic practice, he caught the Chinese government off guard by lunging into the most sensitive of its so-called core interests, the “One China” policy agreed to by President Richard M. Nixon more than four decades ago.
“This is a wake-up call for Beijing — we should buckle up for a pretty rocky six months or year in the China-U.S. relationship,” Wang Dong, an associate professor at the School of International Studies at Peking University, said Saturday. “There was a sort of delusion based on overly optimistic ideas about Trump. That should stop.”
Chinese leaders covet stability in their relationship with Washington, and perhaps for that reason, they have allowed fairly rosy assessments of Mr. Trump to appear in the state-run news media. Many of those accounts have depicted the president-elect as a practical operator devoid of ideology, the kind of person China might find common ground with despite his threats of a trade war.
In the hope of maintaining a relatively smooth relationship as Mr. Trump begins his administration, Beijing will probably take a wait-and-see attitude despite his phone call with Ms. Tsai, said Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations at Renmin University.
Indeed, China’s first official reaction, from Foreign Minister Wang Yi, was fairly benign — though it was firm in reiterating the One China policy, under which the United States formally recognized Beijing as China’s sole government in 1978 and broke ties with Taiwan a year later. No American president or president-elect had spoken to a Taiwanese president since then.
Mr. Wang blamed Ms. Tsai’s government for arranging the call. “It won’t stand a chance to change the One China policy agreed upon by the international community,” he said.
A follow-up statement from the Foreign Ministry on Saturday, noting that the ministry had filed a formal complaint with the United States government, was similar in tone. It urged “relevant parties in the U.S.” to “deal with the Taiwan issue in a prudent, proper manner.”
China’s leaders disdain Ms. Tsai, of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party, who was elected president this year after pledging to wean the island off its economic dependence on China, a policy that won enthusiastic support from younger Taiwanese.
China favored her opponent, Hung Hsiu-chu of the Kuomintang, which has sought closer ties with mainland China. Before the election, President Xi Jinping of China met with Ms. Tsai’s predecessor, Ma Ying-jeou, also of the Kuomintang, in the first encounter between the leaders of the two governments, a rapprochement that Beijing had long sought.
Mr. Trump broke a Chinese taboo merely by using Ms. Tsai’s title. The Chinese state news media refer to the Taiwanese president as the “leader of the Taiwan region,” to indicate that Beijing regards Taiwan not as a sovereign nation but as Chinese territory to eventually be brought under its control.
A basic tenet of the Chinese government is that Taiwan, where Chiang Kai-shek’s forces fled in 1949 after losing China’s civil war, will be brought back into the fold. According to Mr. Xi, Taiwan is destined to become an integral part of his so-called China Dream, a vision of an economically successful Communist China astride the world.
Mr. Trump’s phone call also violated a longstanding principle of American policy: that the president does not speak to the head of Taiwan’s government, despite selling arms to it. “Interesting how the US sells Taiwan billions of dollars of military equipment but I should not accept a congratulatory call,” Mr. Trump said on Twitter after the stunned reaction to his conversation with Ms. Tsai.
Though Beijing vehemently protests the arms sales, it also warily acknowledges them as part of long-established practice. Since the mid-1990s, Washington has signaled to Taiwan that it will not support any military effort to gain independence from China.
The Obama administration’s last arms sale to Taiwan, in 2015, was relatively modest — consisting of antitank missiles, two frigates and surveillance gear, worth $1.8 billion in total — but it still provoked a bitter denunciation from Beijing.
Douglas H. Paal, a former director of the American Institute in Taiwan, which represents American interests there, said it would not be surprising if the United States sold arms to Taiwan early in the Trump administration. Beijing’s reaction would depend on the price tag, the kinds of weapons sold and how the administration informed China of the sale, Mr. Paal said.
While it broke diplomatic precedent, Mr. Trump’s conversation with Ms. Tsai could be seen in some ways as following a pattern of Republican presidents’ reaching out to Taiwan, although others did not do so before taking office.
George W. Bush, for example, was vocal in his support of Taiwan early in his presidency, saying in a television interview that the United States would do “whatever it took” to defend it. His aides said afterward that the comment did not reflect a change in the One China policy. By the end of his second term, Mr. Bush had helped to strengthen trade ties between Beijing and Washington through the approval of China’s entry into the World Trade Organization.
Though Mr. Trump has received generally favorable coverage in the state news media, some Chinese analysts have expressed irritation with him, and some have suggested that his administration will offer China opportunities to show strength.
Yan Xuetong, a professor of international relations at Tsinghua University and a foreign policy hawk, said the overall tenor of the China-United States relationship in the coming years would depend a great deal on the personal chemistry between Mr. Trump and Mr. Xi. He said China, with its growing military and the second-largest economy in the world, could largely afford to act as it liked. “China is increasingly resilient to the United States,” he said.
Shen Dingli, a professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, took a contrarian view of Mr. Trump’s call with Ms. Tsai: He said it was not a problem because Mr. Trump had yet to take office. “He is a private citizen,” he said.
But if such contacts continue after Inauguration Day, Mr. Shen said, China should end diplomatic relations with the United States.
“I would close our embassy in Washington and withdraw our diplomats,” he said. “I would be perfectly happy to end the relationship. I don’t know how you are then going to expect China to cooperate on Iran and North Korea and climate change. You are going to ask Taiwan for that?”
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一，村长，咋改了口风，赞赏起川普爷来了？
你不觉得他推的推文比一个老宅男推得多吗？
是啊，多么朴素的语言：
Donald J. Trump @realDonaldTrump 16h16 hours ago
Interesting how the U.S. sells Taiwan billions of dollars of military equipment but I should not accept a congratulatory call.
New Person
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有人说TRUMP是个大嘴，或者是个政治素人。其实他就是一个利用装傻而挑战各种规则和底线的人。等着看吧，各种离谱的事还会不断发生的。他自称law and order，但不要忘了，还有一个条件从句在后，那就是对他自己有利。
Chasee
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川普从开始竞选到现在，一记一记耳光打的全是你们这些左派啊，左派的脸都被打肿了。
一开始，说参选是个笑话，人家有模有样的竞选辩论。然后，说人家初选都坚持不到最后，人家初选胜出了，然后说人家是希拉里派去的卧底，大选根本没戏，人家胜选了。
左派摸摸脸，说川普是个无耻之徒，只谈利益，迎合中国，结果人家没两天就跟台湾总统通电话，给你家习大大颜色看。你们左派旗帜奥巴马希拉里，没一个敢这么干的。
我就想问问你们左派，脸疼不疼？
