六月份的安省大选有戏看了

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Ontario’s most volatile election campaign has produced one of its most vituperative leaders debates.

Doug Ford went after Andrea Horwath, who went after Kathleen Wynne.

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Sunday’s final Ontario election debate didn’t produce the climactic moment many were waiting for — the so-called ‘knockout punch’ or catastrophic gaffe that campaigns supposedly turn on. (Frank Gunn / THE CANADIAN PRESS)


And then?

The Liberal leader counterattacked against the NDP leader, who pushed back against the Progressive Conservative leader.

Unsurprisingly, Sunday’s televised confrontation didn’t produce the climactic moment many were waiting for — the so-called ‘knockout punch’ or catastrophic gaffe that campaigns supposedly turn on. But it gave voters previously unseen glimpses, under fire, of the usually scripted politicians who aspire to be premier.

For all the heat under the television lights, there was remarkably little illumination on policies. Yet that doesn’t mean voters were left in the dark on the personalities at play.

As unbearable and unwatchable as the debate could be, it produced some surprising winners and losers as voters wrestle with their decision:

Best opposition leader: Doug Ford, who attacked his NDP rival with such single-minded determination and repetition that he seemed to be auditioning for the job of heading Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition. Rightly or wrongly, his underlying assumption seemed to be that Horwath is headed for the premier’s office.

Best debating captain: Andrea Horwath, who talked over her opponents so reflexively that she had to be reined in repeatedly by the moderators (“Ms. Horwath, let her finish, please.”) True to form, she squeezed in her attack lines persuasively.

Best supporting performer: Kathleen Wynne, who carried on as if she were destined to be re-elected premier for another four years — if only she could explain away the last four — and not like a leader fighting for her political life as the other two fight it out for first place in public opinion polls.

In every leaders debate, reporters reflexively look for punches, counterpunches and punch lines. Indeed, that journalistic scorecard will dominate the media narrative over the next few days as video clips keep looping on newscasts and the three rivals claim total victory in their press releases.

But that’s not how most viewers watch debates, nor how they absorb them at home. They are not as interested in the crossfire as how the leaders come across.

By that measure, this debate — like most such encounters — probably solidified the subjective viewpoints of many core voters. But among undecided and swing voters — some of whom are always hired by the rival campaign operations to watch the debates while moving a dial to indicate thumbs up or down in real time — this debate may have given pause and generated second thoughts.

First, despite the attempts by both the Tories and Liberals to paint the NDP as dangerously radical, Horwath held her own. She not only gave no ground, she gave up precious little air time to Ford and Wynne any time they attacked — interrupting, denying or making her point by laughing out loud.

Second, Ford often looked and sounded ill at ease at times. He seemed short of breath during his opening statement, reverted to frozen smiles under attack, and lapsed into verbal clumsiness at times. But for all the anticipation that he would implode on live TV, he committed no blunders and never lost his cool despite coming under attack from both sides.

Third, Wynne made no breakthroughs in a debate where she needed a miracle to recover lost ground. She had an easier time of it, as the other two leaders went at each other. But she may have made some progress in re-introducing herself to voters who have given up on her these last few years.

All that said, it doesn’t matter so much what the politicians say. Television has a way of highlighting body language and amplifying platitudes.

Ford kept proclaiming “My friends” with evangelistic ardour as he looked into the camera and promised “a new day will dawn” when “the people” have their say. And, he warned, “God forbid the NDP takes power,” for the province will “be 10 times worse under the NDP” — a phrase he repeated perhaps 10 times.

Horwath, for her part, kept referring to “folks” with similarly earnest expressions, bemoaning the cynicism in politics that arises when politicians attack one another — conveniently overlooking her attack lines of recent years.

While her rivals tried to convey to voters their direct connection, Wynne opted for contrition — a way to counter her consistently low popularity ratings in public opinion polls.

“Sorry, not sorry,” she began in her unconventional opening statement, looking directly into the camera. “I’m really, genuinely sorry, that more people don’t like me.”

And then she listed off the achievements about which she’s “not sorry” — protecting the environment, boosting the minimum wage, bolstering the economy and providing free college tuition.

Who scored the most points? That’s the wrong question, one most journalists can’t answer. The verdict from voters is usually not about points, but overall and underlying impressions.
 
http://onpulse.ca/blog/ndp-leads-by-4-as-final-debate-looms

NDP and PC Party competitive as leaders set to debate
Authored by:

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David Coletto
Headed into the weekend, Abacus Data completed a province-wide online survey of 800 eligible voters. The survey was completed on May 25 and 26, 2018. The margin of error for a probability-based survey of this size is + 3.5%, 19 times out of 20.

Here are the 5 key findings:

#1: THE NDP HAS TAKEN A 4-POINT LEAD OVER THE TORIES.

Since our last survey, NDP support among decided voters has increased marginally by 3 points while the PCs are down 2, and the Liberals down 1. The NDP now leads for the first time in our tracking, ahead of the Tories by 4 points.

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Demographically, the NDP’s province-wide lead is built on strong support among those aged 30 and under while the Tories are stronger with those aged 60 and over. The NDP has made some gains with those aged 45 to 59.

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#2: THE ACCESSIBLE POOL OF VOTERS AVAILABLE TO THE NDP CONTINUES TO GROW AND IS 17 POINTS LARGER THAN THE POOL FOR THE TORIES.

Throughout the campaign, the NDP has had the largest pool of accessible voters (those willing to at least consider voting NDP). In our latest survey, that pool has grown again to 69%. But more importantly, the number of people who are certain to vote NDP has also grown matching the number who feel the same way about the PCs. This suggests that voter intent is firming up and both the NDP and the PCs can count on a sizeable group of core supporters.

Despite seeing its accessible voter pool shrink over the campaign (from 59% in early April to 52% today), the PCs still have potential to grow between now and Election Day. While half of the electorate is a write-off for the Tories, there’s still an opportunity for the PCs to convert more voters in the final days of the campaign, especially if Ms. Horwath stumbles in the debate or attacks on some her candidates are effective.

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#3: 84% OF ONTARIANS WANT CHANGE. THE DESIRE FOR CHANGE HAS NOT DISSIPATED AT ALL OVER THE CAMPAIGN.

The one constant in this election has been the electorate’s overwhelming desire for change. It has been the primary hurdle for the incumbent Liberals as they seek a fifth mandate. The Liberals had to weaken the desire for change if they would have any chance to win.

Heading into the Leaders Debate, that hasn’t happened. More Ontarians today want change then did at the beginning of April and the intensity of that desire (64% definitely want change) has grown as well.

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#4: DESPITE THE INCREASED SCRUTINY, ANDREA HORWATH’S NEGATIVES ARE NOT RISING.

With increased support comes increased scrutiny for the NDP. Despite this attention, Ms. Horwath’s personal numbers have remained positive without any real increase in negatives.

Forty-four percent of Ontarians have a positive impression of the NDP leader (up 16 since early April) while only 15% have a negative view of her (unchanged since the start of the informal campaign period). In contrast Ms. Wynne’s numbers remain overly negative while Mr. Ford’s negative trend has halted after his negatives increased consistently across our previous three waves of research.

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#5: MOST THINK THE NDP HAS MOMENTUM RIGHT NOW AND MORE THINK THEY WILL WIN THE ELECTION THAN DID LAST WEEK.

A part of the NDP’s rise, and its ability to draw support away from the Liberals is the perception that the party has momentum. Most people (52%) feel that NDP has the most momentum now.

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Moreover, the number of people who think the NDP is going to win the provincial election has increased by 11 points in a week, from 15% to 26%. More still think the PCs will win but the expectations of an NDP win have grown considerably.

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Finally, as a driver for strategic voting, negative feelings about the NDP winning the election have not increased over the past week. In fact, more people today would be delighted with an NDP win than last week (up 7 points to 33%).

Feelings about a PC win, on the other hand, are moving in the opposite direction. 45% would be dismayed with a PC win, up 4 points in a week. Only one in four Ontarians would be delighted with a PC win.

For the Liberals, the environment continues to be quite challenging. Only 15% of respondents would be delighted with a Liberal win while 52% (more than any other party) would be dismayed with a Liberal win.

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CONCLUSIONS

The election, by all accounts, is too close to call. The NDP has momentum headed into the Leaders Debate tonight while the opinion environment remains incredibly difficult to imagine a Liberal comeback.

PC support has declined somewhat (thanks to more to undecideds moving to the NDP than a loss of its own support) but its support remains solid and concentrated among voters more likely to vote.

Voters sense the Andrea Horwath has momentum, more now think they have a chance to win than last week, and people continue to feel good about Horwath, despite the increased attention she's received. Much is riding on her performance in the debate tonight as more people will be looking to see if she’s a premier in waiting.

More than anything, Horwath needs to reaffirm why people like her and convince more people that a PC government is scary. Right now, not enough people are “dismayed” with the idea of a Ford-PC government to force more strategic voting and pull voters away from the Liberals.

Doug Ford needs to keep the focus on the “mess” he promises to clean up, demonstrate he’s level-headed and ready to lead and respond to the expected attacks on the alleged inappropriate behaviour of PC candidates and the cost of his election promises.

Kathleen Wynne, freed from the constraints of being second in the polls, can take some risks as she is the leader with the least to lose to tonight.


ABOUT THE SURVEY

The survey was conducted online with 800 Ontarians aged 18 and over from May 25 to 26, 2018.

Panelists were invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are typically double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

These partners are typically double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The Marketing Research and Intelligence Association policy limits statements about margins of sampling error for most online surveys. The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 3.5%, 19 times out of 20.

The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Ontario’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding
 
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"I'm really, genuinely sorry that more people don't like me," Wynne said. "But I am not sorry about all the things we're doing in Ontario to make life better." And then she went on to list accomplishments of which she was proud, including tuition grants and a higher minimum wage.

Despite her "sorry, not sorry" message, Wynne wasn't apologetic; her comments were crisp and pointed. She kept that tone throughout the 90 minutes of sparring with PC Leader Doug Ford and NDP Leader Andrea Horwath. It was Wynne who sounded most like a premier.

But did it matter?

"Kathleen Wynne had a difficult task, and she did very well, but she needed to do more than just well," said Geneviève Tellier, a political studies professor at the University of Ottawa. "I don't see how she can convince that many Ontarians to change their minds."

Focus turns to Horwath

Even in this unpredictable campaign, it's difficult to see any path to victory for the trailing Liberals come election day on June 7.

That's why the focus was on Horwath, who has seen an unprecedented surge in opinion polls since this campaign started. In a debate almost three weeks ago, Horwath aimed to set herself apart from the other two parties. Now, she is at the centre of their attacks.

Wynne slammed her for promising never to use back-to-work legislation.

"I know you're beholden to unions, Andrea,"said the Liberal leader, charging that the NDP were too tied to ideology.

Meanwhile, Ford went after Horwath for a $1.4-billion mistake on the NDP's projected deficit (although he kept trying to characterize it as a $7-billion mistake) and for refusing to dismiss a Scarborough candidate who shared an Adolf Hitler meme on social media several years ago.

The deficit error, which Horwath has acknowledged and corrected, was made worse by the fact she said the NDP have been working on their platform for two years. As for the candidate with the Hitler meme, there's virtually no way to make that sound OK.

Still, Horwath was able to take advantage of the subject of questionable candidates, referring to the PC candidate who had to step down amid allegations of stolen data from the Highway 407 corporation.

"Mr. Ford, you of all people, you have police investigations, by three different police forces into candidates, not from things that were dug up 10 years ago on Facebook, but right now from data that was stolen from 407 records," she charged. "That's you and your candidates and your party."

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Horwath was more on the defensive during this debate, yet able to hold her own. She came out ahead on a segment on health care, as the NDP are promising to spend more on base hospital funding and beds than the other two parties. She was probably at her best when attacking Ford for not spelling out where he'd find $6 billion in cuts or for releasing a costed platform yet.

"People started voting yesterday, Mr. Ford. Where is your platform?" she said. "Where is your respect for the people now, when they are at the polls and you haven't provided them any information about what it is that you plan to do in our province?"

She interrupted Ford frequently, which at moments bordered on seeming undisciplined, but could just as easily be seen as commanding the stage.

"Horwath's performance reflected her momentum in the polls," said Ihor Korbabicz, a senior researcher at Abacus Data. "She didn't give anyone warming up to her a reason to walk away."

Ford didn't change narrative

Of the three leaders, Ford's outing was the most static compared to the previous debate.

He was definitely more comfortable — in fact, they all performed better this time around — but had a few uncertain moments near the start. He was cut off for running long in his opening statement, and soon afterward appeared to be confused by the debate process. (Wynne immediately tried to explain it to him. When Ford made a joke about it later, Horwath quipped: "Good, you're catching on.")

These moments "chipped away at that veneer of credibility" that Ford needed to project, said Korbabicz. "I'm not sure he did what he needed to do to consolidate his position."

Ford definitely had some good moments, particularly when trying to paint the other parties as believing in "big government."

And, new to this debate, Ford tried to stir up fear of what an NDP government would mean for Ontario, imploring viewers to ask their boss "what would happen to my job, God forbid the NDP ever got in.… I know the answer — they'd be gone."

Despite Ford's arguments, the previous NDP government of the early 1990s did not cause the recession. But the overwhelmingly negative associations that voters of a certain age have with that era of Ontario politics could work. Expect to hear more about that era.

Still, Ford needed to do better than maintain his current position. The PC lead has fallen by a stunning 10 percentage points in the last couple of months, more than half of that since the campaign began. He's lost support among change-seeking voters to the NDP, and his performance Sunday did nothing to alleviate the fears of those who worry his financial plan is vague at best.

"I was surprised by how similar his narrative was from the beginning of the campaign, said Tellier. "With the shift in the polls, I was expecting something a bit different."

Just showing up may have been enough for Ford when he was the undisputed front-runner. But with an energized Horwath at his heels, and a nothing-to-lose Wynne bringing up the rear, Ford needs to do more than maintain the status quo to win this most unconventional of election campaigns.
 
https://www.cp24.com/news/ndp-leadi...ontario-election-race-with-pcs-poll-1.3949021

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New polling numbers suggest that the Ontario NDP currently enjoy a narrow lead in the race to form the next government at Queen’s Park, with the Ontario PC Party just two points behind them.

The Mainstreet Research poll surveyed 1,682 voters from May 27 to May 28.

The poll found that the NDP currently sit at 39.3 per cent support among decided and leaning voters, while the PCs sit at 37.3 per cent. The Ontario Liberal Party sits at 16 per cent and the Green Party of Ontario has 4.5 per cent support.

The latest Mainstreet poll puts the NDP up 10 points from Mainstreet’s previous poll on May 18, while it indicates a dip of nearly five per cent for the PC Party.

“Doug Ford has blown the large lead he had in March and the Ontario election is a competitive affair,” Mainstreet Research President Quito Maggi said in a news release attached to the poll. “The question facing Ontarians is whether Ford or Andrea Horwath will get the keys to government for the next four years.”

Other polls released last week also put the NDP in the lead, with a Forum Research poll putting their support as high as 47 per cent.

The latest Mainstreet numbers show that support for the governing Liberals has continued to wither.

“Given where the Liberals are at in terms of popular support, it is looking more and more likely that Ontario will elect a majority government – the only question is whether it’s the PCs or the NDP that will form it,” Maggi said. “It is doubtful that the Liberals will win more than a handful of seats which very much narrows the path for a minority government.”

The poll was conducted prior to Sunday night’s televised debate, so it is not yet known whether the leaders’ performances moved the needle in any way.

Broken down by region, the poll shows the NDP enjoy strong support in Toronto (40.9 per cent) as well as South Central Ontario (50.3 per cent) and Southwestern Ontario (44.4 per cent).

The PCs draw their strongest support in the 905 areas (42.1 per cent) and Eastern Ontario (43.7 per cent).

“What our daily tracker and our riding polls have been showing is that there is a large divide between urban and rural Ontario where the NDP are leading in urban areas and the PCs dominating in the rural parts of the province,” Maggi said. “Because there are more seats in the rural areas, we think that Ford and the PCs still have the edge over the NDP – just.

“We think the NDP will need to go up another three points or so to win. Otherwise, Horwath could find herself winning the popular vote but in opposition.”

The poll has a margin of error of plus or minus 2.39 per cent and is considered accurate 19 times out of 20.
 
In an either-or campaign, Kathleen Wynne rebrands Liberals as the third way
By Martin Regg Cohn Ontario Politics Columnist
Mon., May 28, 2018

Elections are sometimes about change. But they are always about choice — that’s democracy.

What makes this campaign so strange is how hard the three major party leaders are trying to limit your choices to just two picks — by eliminating one of their rivals as so unqualified as to be unelectable.

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Meeting with the Star’s editorial board on Monday, Liberal Leader Kathleen Wynne argued that the more voters see and hear of Doug Ford, the more they are turning away from him (Richard Lautens / Toronto Star)
Which makes this the most bizarrely binary three-way race ever.

The NDP’s Andrea Horwath set the stage early by declaring that voters had already disqualified Liberal Leader Kathleen Wynne at the starting line. Citing an insatiable appetite for change, Horwath confidently framed the ballot question as a two-way choice between herself and Doug Ford’s Progressive Conservatives.

By her logic Ford is utterly undeserving, leaving her, naturally, as the default choice — the only choice.

Ford, for his part, quickly bought into Horwath’s premise, echoing her attacks on Wynne’s Liberals as irredeemably doomed. The difference, of course, is that he concludes the NDP are dangerously unqualified to govern.

And so, by a process of elimination, Ford offers his Tories as the only viable and electable alternative, making himself the primary binary option.

Now, a third voice is struggling to make itself heard. On the strength of a winning performance at Sunday night’s televised leaders debate, Wynne is making the case that voters woke up this week to a more difficult dilemma — a third kind of binary.

The difference? Wynne takes as her starting point that Ford is unqualified to be premier, and instead wants voters to compare her Liberals with Horwath’s New Democrats before making their final choice.

Much of this may be wishful thinking by Wynne. But she is warning voters to be careful what they wish for.

Meeting with the Toronto Star’s editorial board Monday, she made the case that the more voters see and hear of Ford, the more they are turning away from him. Wynne’s challenge, of course, is that the more voters veer away from Ford, the more they may view Horwath’s New Democrats as the best way to block him.

Certainly, in swaths of the province where the Liberals have long been uncompetitive — Windsor, London and the southwest, much of eastern Ontario, and almost all rural ridings — this election is a two-way PC-NDP race.

But in Toronto and parts of the GTA, it may be a different story. We don’t know yet whether this traditional electoral fortress is crumbling or remaining loyally Liberal — just that in the 2014 election, Horwath’s New Democrats were almost wiped out.

This time, both parties are competing for much of the same territory on both policy and geography, vying for voters in the 416 and 905 regions. Both leaders are offering variations on pharmacare and cheaper child care, while promising a $15 minimum wage.

But in Sunday’s debate, and at Monday’s editorial board meeting, Wynne argued that the NDP are too rigidly ideological and beholden to left-wing union views — the mirror image of Ford’s right-wing, anti-union Tories. Amid the binary choices of a two-way campaign, she is recasting herself as the third way.

Wynne returned to the issue of a long-running strike at York University — now in its third month and deemed hopelessly stalemated by an outside investigator. The NDP blocked back-to-work legislation before the election, and Horwath told the editorial board last week that she’d still oppose it after the election if she won power.

Wynne also questioned the NDP’s insistence on targeting only non-profit child care under its subsidized plan for infants and toddlers, noting that Horwath’s approach would exclude families now enrolled in pre-existing for-profit daycare centres. Most outside experts rate the Liberal program, offering free child care for preschoolers, as more practical and better designed.

While the NDP shares “similar values,” Liberals embrace “practical solutions, and I’m not going to let ideology get in the way,” Wynne argued. “We really, I believe, run the most progressive government in North America.”

Vote now:

Of course, it may be that Wynne’s attempt to cast the campaign as a contrast between Liberals and New Democrats is beside the point. Perhaps Ford’s Tories will ultimately form a majority government on the strength of their bedrock rural support and pockets of populist fervour.

Even if the PCs fall short of a majority, Ford may still be so far in front of the opposition parties in a minority legislature — NDP, Liberal, and possibly Green — that they can’t (or won’t) stop him from being premier. In which case, all those fantasies of binary choices will be overtaken by the realities of a multiple-choice election.

That’s democracy — it’s all about choices.

https://www.thestar.com/opinion/sta...wynne-rebrands-liberals-as-the-third-way.html
 
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Federal Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer speaks to reporters following a caucus meeting on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on May 23, 2018. Scheer has avoided being seen with Ontario PC Leader Doug Ford partly because Ford would not be seen as a big asset in next year’s federal election battle, Chantal Hébert writes. (Sean Kilpatrick / THE CANADIAN PRESS)

The federal Conservatives’ discreet approach to the ongoing Ontario battle stands in contrast with the combative one once favoured by some key Ontario members of Stephen Harper’s cabinet team.

From his pulpit as federal finance minister for instance, the late Jim Flaherty was not averse to lambasting the ruling Ontario Liberals. In the immediate lead-up to the 2011 provincial vote he opined that the province could not afford four more Liberal years.

At the time Harper himself mused about an Ontario trifecta, with the Conservatives ruling on Parliament Hill, at Queen’s Park and at Toronto City Hall. It was not the former prime minister’s best chess move. His statement probably did the Ontario Tories more harm than good on the campaign trail.

In the past, Ontarians have not put their federal and provincial eggs in the same basket.

https://www.thestar.com/opinion/sta...r-is-keeping-his-distance-from-doug-ford.html
 
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Ontario NDP Leader Andrea Horwath talks to a supporter in Sarnia this week. The campaigns have mostly been conventional political warfare, experts say. (Geoff Robins / THE CANADIAN PRESS)

In fact, while Ontario may well get a new premier when all the votes are counted Thursday night, this election has been fought pretty conventionally — more textbook than history book.

It could have something to do with the stakes. Each of the main parties had reason to see this election as a long-shot chance: Liberals, to stay in power after 15 years; Conservatives, a mad-dash scramble with a new, untried leader; and New Democrats, a bid to go from third to first place.

With that much riding on this campaign for all of them, can they be blamed for becoming risk-averse?

True, there’s still time for one of the political parties to release a particularly memorable ad or some new way of grabbing the attention of Ontario voters. But right up until this final week of the campaign, all parties have been sticking to the tried and true — well, as true as things get in politics these days.

Greg Lyle, head of the Innovative Research Group polling firm, has also been watching election campaigns for a few decades now, including as an adviser to several provincial Conservative campaigns over the years.

The New Democrats’ surge in the campaign has definitely become the force to watch, says Lyle. But others have already blazed that trail from third-place party to first-place contender — including Justin Trudeau and his Liberals in the 2015 federal election.

And while Trudeau’s 2015 campaign broke some conventional rules — directly tackling the “not ready” attack ads against him or promising to run a budget in the red — Andrea Horwath and the Ontario NDP aren’t similarly shaking up the political playbook in 2018, he says.

“The NDP campaign is better than average but they haven’t done anything special,” Lyle says.

As for Doug Ford and the Conservatives, he says: “The PC campaign is actually bad. But it is more about their general failure to communicate in a compelling way led by the leader's inability to debate. The ads are OK. Not great but not awful.”

Anna Esselment, a political scientist with the University of Waterloo, is always on the lookout for what’s new in campaign techniques and marketing in elections. She’s been watching the Ontario campaign closely and has concluded: “This has not been a non-conventional election.”

Esselment is attending this week’s annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association in Regina, which often features sessions on noteworthy shifts in political campaign methods. On that score, she doubts that the 2018 Ontario election will be a big topic of discussion at future CPSA meetings.

“I'm not sure this election will blow open any new paths to studying how campaigns are fought in Ontario,” Esselment says.

Even the relatively recent innovations in campaign tools have been used in pretty standard fashion by all the parties, Esselment says.

“The so-called ‘new’ ways of reaching out to voters, targeting, delivering key messages over digital communications channels, for instance, are no longer considered non-conventional,” she says. “Nowadays, those tactics are conventional.”

Jonathan Rose, a Queen’s University professor who is one of Canada’s leading experts on political advertising, is also at the meetings in Regina this week.

He shares the view that parties haven’t been all that innovative, advertising-wise, in the Ontario campaign. One thing has caught his attention, though. Rose has the impression that all parties have been making more use of automated phone-call outreach to voters — the so-called “robocalls” many believed were a discredited relic of past campaigns.

“I’ve not noticed that in the past and it is evidence of the competitive nature of this race,” Rose says.

If robocalls have turned up again as a popular tool for political campaigners, that might be an interesting throwback. Party-spending returns from the 2015 federal election campaign showed that Conservatives spent the most on phone-call outreach, while Liberals poured most of their resources into Facebook advertising. The results spoke for themselves — and in retrospect, seemed kind of obvious. Why try to find voters by the old-fashioned phone, when you can find out lots more about them through Facebook?

But the Ontario election is the first big one being held in Canada in the wake of the controversy over how Facebook data was misused by the Cambridge Analytica firm that helped Donald Trump win the 2016 presidential election.

It could well be that this controversy made all the parties a little less enthusiastic about campaigning through Facebook in this Ontario election — a strategy they may be more candid about discussing after the voting is over.

Esselment says that Facebook still has been a powerful tool in this provincial election, especially for the “third-party” actors such as Ontario Proud, which calls itself a “people-powered” movement to push Kathleen Wynne out of office. In fact, Esselment says that if there’s anything worth studying in the wake of this election, it will be the breadth and reach of Ontario Proud.

“There have been Facebook groups before, but the number of people who like or follow Ontario Proud dwarfs all the parties, the leaders, even @Fordnation on social media,” she says. “So in terms of analyzing the impact of what was originally a one-man show behind the scenes for Ontario Proud, that particular outfit is worthy of a closer examination.”

That in itself may be a noteworthy development. The big political innovation in Ontario’s 2018 election, such as it is, came from outside the traditional structure and hierarchy of the main parties. It could tell us that conventional political campaigning is getting remarkably risk-averse, especially when the stakes are as high as they’ve been during this fascinating Ontario election.
 
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With the Ontario election campaign down to its final week, NDP Leader Andrea Horwath isn't ruling out the possibility of forming a coalition government.

Earlier in the campaign Horwath said she had "no interest" in partnering with the Liberals.

But speaking with CBC's Ottawa Morning Friday, Horwath was far more equivocal.

"I'm going to wait until Thursday of next week to determine what the people of this province have decided, and I'll go from there," she said when asked about the possibility of forming a coalition.

CBC's Poll Tracker shows the NDP ahead in the popular vote, but the party may have trouble translating that support into a majority of seats in the legislature.

Horwath said she would work with anyone if they supported some of the NDP's key platform points, such as returning Hydro One to public hands and creating universal pharmacare.

"If we get there on June 8, and that's a decision that has to be made, the question would be, would Kathleen Wynne be willing to work with me?"
 
Analysis
Will Toronto help give Doug Ford a majority government?
Both the PCs and the New Democrats are poised to make big gains in Toronto as Liberal support plummets in the city.
NDP, PCs are looking to make gains in Toronto off the backs of the faltering Liberals
Éric Grenier · CBC News · Posted: Jun 02, 2018 4:00 AM ET | Last Updated: June 2

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Ontario PC Leader Doug Ford campaigning in Toronto on May 20, where he hopes to make significant gains for his party. (Frank Gunn/Canadian Press)


Toronto could cast a decisive vote in Ontario's provincial election on Thursday. It could decide between a majority or a minority government.

The odds of a minority government are currently low: the CBC Poll Tracker estimates the chances of a majority government being elected at about 92 per cent. That's because the Liberals are projected to win so few seats that a minority government is mathematically unlikely.

More Liberal MPPs mean a higher likelihood of a minority government. And the best place for more Liberals to be elected is in Toronto.

The city has long been a Liberal bastion. The party has won the most votes and seats in the city in every election since 1999. In 2014, the Liberals took 49 per cent of the vote — a few points better than their performances in 2007 and 2011. The Progressive Conservatives and New Democrats trailed at some distance, with 23 and 22 per cent apiece.

The Liberals are the incumbents in almost all of Toronto's 25 ridings. Only two of those ridings elected NDP MPPs four years ago, and the PCs were shut out until they won a byelection in Scarborough in 2016.

But the Liberals are in serious trouble in the city and appear to be struggling to retain their 22 seats there.

According to the June 1 update of the Poll Tracker — an aggregation of all publicly available polling data — the Liberals' support has been cut by more than half in Toronto. They trail in third with 23 per cent, down 26 points from the 2014 provincial election.

Both Doug Ford's PCs and Andrea Horwath's New Democrats have benefited from that collapse, with the PCs up eight points to 31 per cent and the NDP up 18 points to 40 per cent. Half of those gains occurred in just the last week, at the expense of the Liberals.



Polling averages in Toronto. (CBC Poll Tracker)


The Greens follow with five per cent, while just one per cent of Torontonians say they will vote for another party. (Of the small parties, only the Libertarians are running in all ridings. No other small party is running even a half-slate.)

Liberal hopes for survival rest on Toronto
If the Liberals were losing support to just one party, they might have been able to hold on to one part of the city. Instead, they're poised to lose Toronto's downtown core to the New Democrats, while the Progressive Conservatives could win in the suburbs in North York, Etobicoke and Scarborough.

None of this leaves the Liberals with a lot of options.


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Ontario Liberal Leader Kathleen Wynne campaigning in Toronto on Wednesday. The party entered the election holding almost all of the city's seats. (Frank Gunn/Canadian Press)

The party is still in play in the three Don Valley ridings (including Don Valley West, where Kathleen Wynne is running for re-election) and in Toronto–St. Paul's. Liberals also might be able to hold on in three-way contests in some of the Scarborough ridings.

But it's difficult to lose more than half of your support and still win seats — even in ridings that were won by significant margins in 2014. And the Liberals lack incumbents in five of their 22 seats, having already lost higher-profile former cabinet ministers like Glen Murray and Eric Hoskins. This might make it even harder to secure these ridings — particularly in the context of the recent swing in support to the NDP from the Liberals.

Horwath was in Wynne's riding on Friday asking voters to back her party to block Ford's PCs — an invitation to voters to cast their ballots strategically. The swing suggests it's a message that could be resonating in Toronto.

NDP looking to grow from the centre out
The New Democrats traditionally have been able to count on a few seats in Toronto, particularly in the downtown core along Lake Ontario. But the party might be able to expand that beachhead deeper into the city — and perhaps turn some territory orange that might otherwise have turned blue.

Those downtown ridings — Beaches–East York, Davenport, Spadina–Fort York, Toronto Centre and University–Rosedale — are poised to flip to the New Democrats. But in addition to these seats in more traditionally NDP-friendly territory, the NDP also could pick up a few other seats from the Liberals outside of the party's traditional base of support, such as Humber River–Black Creek, Scarborough Centre, Scarborough Southwest, Scarborough–Rouge Park and York South–Weston.


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Ontario NDP Leader Andrea Horwath was campaigning in Toronto on Friday. The NDP is leading in the polls in the city. (Nathan Denette/Canadian Press)

In those Scarborough seats, the contest might instead be between the NDP and the PCs, considering the steep drop in Liberal support.

The New Democrats need to be competitive in these parts of Toronto. While the downtown seats might help bulk up the party's caucus, it won't be enough to put the party into government. For that, the NDP would need to win seats outside of their traditional bases of support — both inside and outside of Toronto.

If New Democrats can't flip most of the seats in Scarborough toward them, they're unlikely to win the seats elsewhere they need to form a government.

Will Doug Ford help deliver Toronto?
For the Progressive Conservatives, however, Toronto might mean the difference between a majority and a minority government.

Ford's promise to PC members when he won the leadership race in March was that he could win in Toronto. Maybe he can't take all the credit — the party was polling about as well in Toronto before Ford took over — but he does seem to be delivering on his promise.

The PCs are on track for their best performance in the city since they last formed government under Mike Harris. The PCs could take seats from the Liberals in the Don Valley and Etobicoke (where Ford is running), as well as in Scarborough and North York. The party is in range of winning between seven and 15 seats in the region — a significant increase.
http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/grenier-northern-ontario-1.4681342
Those could be important seats. The PCs are currently projected to win 72 seats provincewide (though their likely range runs from 52 to 84). If the PCs win just seven seats in Toronto, that would drop them down to 65 — just above the threshold of 63 seats needed to form a majority government.

And if they are under-performing in Toronto, they'll probably under-perform enough to fall short in at least two other seats elsewhere in Ontario. And Ford might struggle to form a government in a minority legislature if doing so means winning the support of either Horwath or Wynne.

Only once in the last three decades have the Progressive Conservatives won more than seven seats in Toronto. If Toronto surpasses that amount a second time, Ford will almost certainly become Ontario's next premier.
 
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