贺锦丽是个很有能力的厉害角色

真理和真相在迷蒙的初期永远只被极少数人洞察。让未来去验证是否是反向指标吧。

贺锦丽的出现将改变整个局势。

这里有谁读过美国巨著“光荣和梦想”,老夫在中学时就仔细研读啦。美国未来会出现很多上世纪“光荣和梦想”中很多场景。
加州那种建筑在中产阶级奴隶系统逐渐腐烂与堕落的气息成了你眼中的光荣与梦想,知道现在加州年轻人都往内华达跟Texas跑么……
少上点reddit 挺大把年纪串着什么小年轻刷reddit 有空不如多掐掐沉默的大多数
 
加州那种建筑在中产阶级奴隶系统逐渐腐烂与堕落的气息成了你眼中的光荣与梦想,知道现在加州年轻人都往内华达跟Texas跑么……
少上点reddit 挺大把年纪串着什么小年轻刷reddit 有空不如多掐掐沉默的大多数

"光荣与梦想"是书的名字。这里面主要描述美国在20世纪中32-72年美国国内社会主要事件和背景。 核心的一点是那时美国国内内部矛盾纷争,各种社会动荡和暴乱不止。在90年后冷战结束开始全球化后,美国社会虽然也有各类不稳定因素,但整体上说美国还是在一个非常稳定的发展模式,2000年后全球化后美国其实也是一个受益者,靠强势美元印钞权,尽管工业被虚化,但仍然保持明显超过其他西方国家的生活水平,所以在这大背景下,掩盖了美国社会内在的问题。

奥巴马能当8年总统,和现在贺锦丽几乎稳坐付总统(甚至扶正总统), 社会政策会进一步加强黑人和各少数民族的利益,未来的社会挑起矛盾的白人会大大增加。而非白人民众+自由派白人也会竭力把美国往民主党方向偏移。
 
"光荣与梦想"是书的名字。这里面主要描述美国在20世纪中32-72年美国国内社会主要事件和背景。 核心的一点是那时美国国内内部矛盾纷争,各种社会动荡和暴乱不止。在90年后冷战结束开始全球化后,美国社会虽然也有各类不稳定因素,但整体上说美国还是在一个非常稳定的发展模式,2000年后全球化后美国其实也是一个受益者,靠强势美元印钞权,尽管工业被虚化,但仍然保持明显超过其他西方国家的生活水平,所以在这大背景下,掩盖了美国社会内在的问题。

奥巴马能当8年总统,和现在贺锦丽几乎稳坐付总统(甚至扶正总统), 社会政策会进一步加强黑人和各少数民族的利益,未来的社会矛盾挑起矛盾的白人会大大增加。而非白人民众+自由派白人也会竭力把美国往民主党方向偏移。

想的太复杂了,美国还是白人数量多,即使少数族裔,勤劳聪明的印度华人跟黑人都有矛盾。老川如果不是那张大嘴是稳赢的。即使今天,他如果放低姿势不要死不认错再去过多的人身攻击把自己搞的很low,最后依然能反败为胜。
 
想的太复杂了,美国还是白人数量多,即使少数族裔,勤劳聪明的印度华人跟黑人都有矛盾。老川如果不是那张大嘴是稳赢的。即使今天,他如果放低姿势不要死不认错再去过多的人身攻击把自己搞的很low,最后依然能反败为胜。
太迟了。
抗疫不力,甩锅中国,和族群分裂是硬伤。
 
厉害说不上比较投机,一个女人要真是厉害,就不需利用自己女性少数族裔的特点去反复做文章,在公平的施政上把男人打扒,象撒切尔夫人,默克尔一样。
赞同。靠投机,靠博眼球的政客赢得了一时,赢不了他人的信任,能赢得民心的才能是真正的领导人,政治家。
 
太迟了。
抗疫不力,甩锅中国,和族群分裂是硬伤。
一点都不迟,甩锅中国哪里是硬伤对他来说是明智之举。
他有他的铁盘,象警察这次会一面倒地投他的票。军人也大部分会投他的票。
黑人会一面倒投拜登的,但黑人很懒,最后有许多人不见得去投票。
疫情不要不断地说disappearing,象英国首相一样大方承认低估错误并不会丢多少分,这个疫情全世界没有哪个西方国家损失不惨重。口罩上反复可以象福奇一样甩锅美国口罩不足,还有就是民主党的拜登一开始还反对断航,罗佩西鼓励人们去做地铁,纽约反对封城,这个副总统候选人哈里斯所在的加州疫情第一,民主党的纽约州一开始是爆发的中心,其实抗疫上是半斤八两的差。但老川的对策是不断强调自己做的很好就惹来了很多反感。
 
By Canadian standards, Kamala Harris could run for the Conservatives

Trump campaign branded Biden running mate an ally of 'radical left,' but her background tells different story


If Kamala Harris fails in her bid to become vice-president of the United States, maybe she could run for leader of Canada's Conservative Party.

While the Trump campaign lost no time declaring her an ally of "the radical left" following her selection as running mate by presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, by Canadian standards, that would be a stretch.

Tugged by Sen. Bernie Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, the Democratic Party may have moved to the left, but with such radical policies as more accessible health care and a slight amount of wealth distribution from the very rich to the poorest, middle-of-the-road party members like Harris could easily fit into the political spectrum of moderate conservatives in Canada or Europe.

"She's very big into raising taxes," U.S. President Donald Trump said shortly after Biden announced Harris would be his running mate, beginning the process of framing the California senator as an enemy of business and the better-off.

Headlines proclaiming her Blackness, her Asian-ness, her Canadian-ness, her female gender and status as a child of immigrants might seem to confirm Trump's portrayal of some sort of proletarian upstart, but the facts tell a different story.

Not a story of coming up from underclass
The hurdles for someone who is a woman and a person of colour fighting her way to the top of the heap should not be minimized. A glance at Twitter will leave you creeped out by sexual comments directed at Harris that male politicians never have to face. But Harris's economic perspective is by no means one of looking up from an underclass.


Opponents from the U.S. right may see her as being fanaticized by the five years she spent in school in Montreal, inculcated by what — Westmount radicalism? Westmount, for those not familiar with it, is a traditional enclave of the Quebec Anglo elite where socialism — on rare occasions when it raises its head — is usually taken with Champagne. Harris graduated from Westmount High School in 1981.

While indeed a child of immigrants, both of Harris's parents were scholars. Her late mother, Shyamala Gopalan Harris, who was born in India, was a cancer researcher and worked as a faculty member at Montreal's McGill University for 16 years. Her father, Donald Harris, born in Jamaica, is a retired economics professor who taught at Stanford University in California, with a long list of honours. He had also been an economics fellow at Cambridge University in England.

Harris studied political science and economics at Howard University in Washington, D.C., heading up the economics club and the debating team at university before becoming a lawyer and prosecutor in California.

For the Trump team trying to expand on the president's favourite anti-woman epithet "nasty" and his tired-sounding "phony" that he has rolled out so far, its challenge will be whether to castigate the potential VP to his more extreme supporters as a member of the establishment or as an usurping outsider. Watch for creative attempts to combine the two.

VP doesn't need an economic policy
As many have noted, Harris and her economic and political perspectives are getting considerably more attention than many previous vice-presidential candidates, who were arguably less qualified. No doubt it is partly due to the fact that Biden, at 77 years old, occasionally seems vulnerable to teetering off his perch.

But unless or until that happens, Harris will not be announcing policy of her own. Despite that, she got a vote of confidence from Wall Street on Tuesday after Biden announced she would be his running mate.

Under the U.S. system, the VP's job is to offer quiet support for the administration, only stepping forward if the president is incapacitated. The position, offering profile without culpability for presidential mistakes, is also a well-known stepping stone for those hoping to run for the top job.

It means that for now, and unlike when she was running to be the Democrats' presidential nominee in her own right, Harris won't have to develop an economic policy — one that might offend people on the left or right of her own party. In the event the other job comes her way, her jumping-off point will be Biden's economic policy, which she will fine-tune as seems appropriate at that time.

For all the talk of her being anti-business, if Harris could bring California levels of entrepreneurial success and well-being to the rest of the country, a certain amount of Californian-style environmentalism or Canadian-style socialism might be overlooked.

For Canadians, most of whom have grown tired of Trump's disrespect for Canada, his wild accusations of unfair trade, his off-the-cuff comments that so often seem disconnected from the real world, Harris's race and gender will likely be of the least concern.

Whether through her influence as vice-president if she wins in November or her potential, eventual role as president and commander-in-chief, for many of us, it will be a relief to have someone near the seat of power who not only seems to actually understand how economics works but also knows firsthand what Canada is and what it is not.
 
一点都不迟,甩锅中国哪里是硬伤对他来说是明智之举。
他有他的铁盘,象警察这次会一面倒地投他的票。军人也大部分会投他的票。
黑人会一面倒投拜登的,但黑人很懒,最后有许多人不见得去投票。
疫情不要不断地说disappearing,象英国首相一样大方承认低估错误并不会丢多少分,这个疫情全世界没有哪个西方国家损失不惨重。口罩上反复可以象福奇一样甩锅美国口罩不足,还有就是民主党的拜登一开始还反对断航,罗佩西鼓励人们去做地铁,纽约反对封城,这个副总统候选人哈里斯所在的加州疫情第一,民主党的纽约州一开始是爆发的中心,其实抗疫上是半斤八两的差。但老川的对策是不断强调自己做的很好就惹来了很多反感。
美国是世界第一大国,理当要有大国的担当,怎能处处退群?
自己抗疫失败,为了选举,却甩锅中国,这是典型的小人行径,即使得逞,日后如何号令天下?饥不择食,太短视了。
 
最后编辑:
想的太复杂了,美国还是白人数量多,即使少数族裔,勤劳聪明的印度华人跟黑人都有矛盾。老川如果不是那张大嘴是稳赢的。即使今天,他如果放低姿势不要死不认错再去过多的人身攻击把自己搞的很low,最后依然能反败为胜。
老川最大的缺点就是那张大嘴。
有时,那张大嘴也帮了他
 
老川重来不提,都差点儿忘记这事儿了。

 
今天晚上是唯一的一场副总统辩论:贺锦丽对阵彭斯,两位都坐着,间距12英尺,中间有有机玻璃隔板。拭目以待。

贺锦丽参议员,律师,检察官出身;

彭斯副总统,曾任印第安纳州长,曾经是电台主持人。
 
经典时刻:贺锦丽“问询”司法部长巴尔。。。

 
问询前司法部长塞申斯。。。

 
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