欧洲开始对美国游客关闭了,咱们还开放边界?

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美国从来就非常难搞,上下动荡不断。今天的美国,就是在难搞和上下动荡中发展起来的。习惯了和谐的人,很难理解这一点。

同感,有些是很难理解。
记得好像是在电影第一滴血里吧,有这样的台词,对越南人说的 - 「 你必须接受我们的东西,如果你不接受,我们就把我们的东西放在子弹里打进你的脑袋,让你接受」
 

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你在这里支持有个屁用。

这不马上就要大选了嘛, 用选票说话嘛。 找你的选区候选人要求支持关闭国境, 谁支持,就给谁选票。

如果这种打几个电话的动作都不愿意做的话, 完全支持就等于放屁而已。

用选票说话是正道。选举时更是表达自己意愿的好机会。
 

billwanhua

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Delta比alpha难搞了
这个应该是原因之一,但是参考全世界,美国有最好的医疗最好的疫苗,平均感染和平均死亡远超其他发达国家,比喻英国。肯定有其他原因
 

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在美国,你可以看见天堂,也可以看见地狱。 看过那几张经典的照片么? 一群白人穿着整齐开PARTY, 旁边一颗树上私刑吊死的黑人。你看见的有美国张开双臂接受难民,有没有看到上世纪唯一一个针对特定国家地区人的移民禁令,那就是中国,那时禁令下的中国首先是满清,后来是国民党国民政府。即使在二战时,中美已经是盟国,直到1943年才废除这个持续100多年的排华法案,1943年前中国和美国成为事实上的盟国都多少年了?中国在1840年后100多年的地位就是现在的阿富汗这样。

知道满清时在美国加拿大做劳工的华工有多少是死于种族攻击,而不只是工伤。很多在加州和温哥华的老广会告诉你答案。

美国的事,实在不是几句话甚至几篇文章就能说清楚的。我不知道你到底对美国了解多少,也许你是美国史专家,但就我自己而言,我发现我越学越觉得以前知道的太少,太片面,说自己是美国史盲也不为过。
 

和风溪流

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要对美国做全面的分析,不是易事。更不是在CFC这样的网站上就能分析清楚的。

美国这个国家实在太复杂。说实话,我和美国各类机构及个人打的交道不少,很多东西我还是看不懂,不理解。所以我现在还在学习,希望能系统全面地了解。仅我正在看的这门课程,就有84节课。短短几百年历史,上下翻腾,错综复杂,让人眼花缭乱,目不暇接。凭着以前的一知半解,其中很多还是片面乃至错误的,想分析清楚美国,是不可能的。
能说说这门课在哪里开,课程名称吗?
 

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能说说这门课在哪里开,课程名称吗?

是 The Teaching Company 开的一门 The Great Courses。名称是 “The History of the United States",共84节课,由三位美国教授主讲。他们是:Eastern University 美国史教授Allen G. Gueizo;University of Virginia 美国内战史教授Gary W. Gallaggher; Emory University 历史学教授Patrick N. Allitt。我买的是DVD版,包括14块DVD盘和一本课程导读书。另外,购课者也可以直接连接该公司网站在网上看。

此前。我看过一门介绍美国总统的课程。跳跃式地通过一些美国总统的介绍了解了一些美国历史。现在这门课更系统,全面,详尽。
 

billwanhua

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有时间,想学习的可以去美国名校open course看看,很多名校都有出名教授上课的现场录像。

下面这个网站包含了很多名校的open course,我以前经常看斯坦福A I课程

 

茶马盐铁

我想看看自定义头衔到底能有多少字。继续加,看系统什么时候把这个字符串截断。呃,居然还有?那就继续吧。
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我不知道你到底对美国了解多少,也许你是美国史专家,
他只需要掐指一算,就能知道。
 

rottenmelon

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热掐老湿最近很辛苦,上蹿下跳滴,真是大选将至必出妖孽啊。。。
 

livingeverywhere

你删贴,就说明你特别害怕我说的,相信JB和贺锦丽真赢8100万选票的人,基本上有认知障碍,离他们远点
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热掐老湿最近很辛苦,上蹿下跳滴,真是大选将至必出妖孽啊。。。
掐老湿的历史都是中文教学的,所以,你知道的。

毕竟中文内容都是被污染过的。
 

gcy1208

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掐老湿的历史都是中文教学的,所以,你知道的。

毕竟中文内容都是被污染过的。
从没见你这个逼用过简体中文以外的任何语言,目测你可能英文都不会几句。
 

gcy1208

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美国的事,实在不是几句话甚至几篇文章就能说清楚的。我不知道你到底对美国了解多少,也许你是美国史专家,但就我自己而言,我发现我越学越觉得以前知道的太少,太片面,说自己是美国史盲也不为过。
只有历史专家才能有自己对于一个国家的看法?学了几节历史课就觉得自己懂得多?别到最后小丑竟是你自己,让人笑掉大牙
 

billwanhua

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大家还是不要互相攻击,理智讨论,如果想说服对方可以引经据典
 

ert0000

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美国的事,实在不是几句话甚至几篇文章就能说清楚的。我不知道你到底对美国了解多少,也许你是美国史专家,但就我自己而言,我发现我越学越觉得以前知道的太少,太片面,说自己是美国史盲也不为过。

美国有它在某些方面对人类文明进步有益的一面,但不要忘记它的原罪。

下面就是一张100年前,私刑绞死黑人,而白人观众像是开party,看到那对白人情侣喜笑颜开的镜头吗?

啥事辩证地看吧,这世界谁也不是完美的,谁也不是救世主,对谁都一样,如果有了一堆历史罪恶,不思反省,而继续把高大上的大旗到处宣扬蒙骗,只能是给自己挖坑。

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Lynching in the United States, Explained​

It "functioned as a tool of domination" against black people.
BY JENN M. JACKSON
OCTOBER 2, 2017
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In many respects, Americans have begun to face the gruesome threads of history that are sewn into the country’s fabric. The mass genocide of indigenous peoples is generally understood to have been cruel, ruthless, murderous, and without humanity. The enslavement of African people and their descendants has been widely accepted as a despicable and vile institution that was leveraged to build the economic and physical infrastructure of the country. As of late, virtually all monuments to the Confederacy have been identified as inherently racist and rooted in the preservation of anti-black sentiment.
But in the United States, there are still horrors that we’ve yet to fully grapple with as we work to confront our racial past and its effects. At the top of that list is lynching, a form of often-racialized terror where an individual or group is put to death — especially by hanging — for a perceived offense, with or without a trial. The act is usually carried out by a mob, and it happened with great frequency throughout U.S. history.


Bryan Stevenson, founder of the Equal Justice Initiative (EJI), tells Teen Vogue that lynching was so common because “slavery didn’t end in 1865, it just evolved," ushering in a new era of terror for black Americans. Stevenson and the EJI recently partnered with the Brooklyn Museum on an exhibit titled “The Legacy of Lynching: Confronting Racial Terror in America,” in which photographers show the long legacy of slavery and its subsequent manifestation in lynching through the personal stories and accounts of black people.

Nearly 4,100, black Americans were lynched in the United States between 1877 and 1950, according to a report from the EJI, and those are just the ones on record. Most of these "racial terror lynchings," as the EJI describes them in its report, remain undocumented because white people generally had no incentive to record the senseless, extrajudicial murders of black Americans at the hands of vigilante white mobs. Initially, many of these acts of racial terror were a direct response to the period of Reconstruction, between 1865 and 1877, when black American political, economic, and social access was temporarily invigorated. While most lynchings occurred in the South, they were also common in states such as Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, and Ohio.
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During this period, many newly freed black Americans worked as “sharecroppers,” or farmers who essentially rented space on the plantations where they used to be enslaved. Of every crop they reaped, a portion was owed to their former masters. This process of debt and commodity transaction, where black Americans had no claims to their labor or land, created a system of “debt peonage,” or labor exploitation, which journalist Douglas A. Blackmon calls “slavery by another name” (also the title of his 2008 Pulitzer Prize–winning book on conditions following the Civil War). It was under these conditions that “vigilantes whipped and lynched black freedmen who argued with employers, left the plantations where they were contracted to work, or displayed any economic success of their own,” according to the EJI. Lynchings were rarely random acts of passion — far more frequently, they were warnings to black Americans who were working to better their economic and social stakes not to step out of line with an existing racial hierarchy that placed them squarely at the bottom.

Many white Southerners saw the end of slavery as a formality rather than a rule — and while black Americans had symbolic freedom, they were never truly free.
“The 13th Amendment ends involuntary servitude and forced labor but it doesn’t say anything about narratives of racial difference or white supremacy," EJI's Stevenson tells Teen Vogue. Though it brought a formal end to the practice of slavery, it was just the beginning of a period of racial terror stemming directly from this country’s preexisting overall commitment to white supremacy. In fact, it was this enduring and systemic nature that undoubtedly laid the groundwork for lynching and mob violence against black Americans.
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“Lynching functioned as a tool of domination meant to coerce (and not rough-handedly correct), to deny (and not merely restrict), and to subjugate (not only banish or dispatch) black people, depriving them of political, economic, social, and cultural opportunities promised by emancipation,” Yale University professor Jacqueline Goldsby writes in A Spectacular Secret: Lynching in American Life and Literature. As such, the purpose of lynching was essentially about undermining the legal frameworks that declared black Americans full and free citizens.
These lynchings were frequent and public acts, often attended by high-society types and with family themed festivities, as if they were preplanned weekend affairs. “People would sometimes come to these lynchings, bring their children, bring their snacks, sip lemonade, eat deviled eggs, and create a carnival atmosphere while black men and women were being tortured and burned alive sometimes literally on the courthouse lawn,” Stevenson says, citing his research.
Some have estimated that, on average, there was a lynching in the United States at least once a week in the 1890s. The summer of 1919, following the end of World War I, is referred to as "the Red Summer" because of rampant riots that took place to crack down on black protests. It was also a time of rampant lynchings meant to restore the prewar status quo of black American subjugation to whites. These killings were performed during the day or at night, and black Americans accused of attempting to vote, loitering, interracial sexual relations, or failing to pay debts were maimed in the most lurid of ways. And women and children weren’t protected from the mob’s wrath.
The scenes of these killings were vicious. Bloodied bodies — sometimes missing limbs, exposed to the elements, lit on fire, or even, according to at least one account, with babies still kicking in their uteruses postmortem — would be the main attraction for hordes of white crowds. Often, postcards were made to commemorate a lynching, and "souvenirs" were cut from maimed bodies to be kept by members of the crowd.
Black activists worked to draw attention to the unique atrocity of lynching, most notably activist and journalist Ida B. Wells-Barnett, who gave the earliest and most thorough accounts of the terror of lynching when she told the stories of her friends Tom Moss, Calvin McDowell, and Henry Stewart in the 1892 pamphlet Southern Horrors.
On March 9, 1892, the three black men who ran the People's Grocery, Memphis’s first black-owned grocery business, were violently confronted by a white rival grocer, who recruited plainclothes officers to seize the store. When the young men armed themselves and defended their business from retaliation, 31 black men were arrested before Moss, McDowell, and Stewart were "secretly taken from the jail and lynched in a shockingly brutal manner,” according to Wells-Barnett’s account in Southern Horrors.

Wells-Barnett noted in her many works that these forms of macabre violence were meant to tamp down black American economic and social mobility. Acts like these — unbridled, extrajudicial murder — were not just about punishing presumed offenses, which were often baseless. They were fundamentally about striking fear into the hearts of black people who dared think of themselves as more than three-fifths of a human, eliminating black leaders who challenged the existing racial order, and reinscribing white people as the de facto “superior” race.
Black people weren’t the only victims of lynch mobs: Native Americans, Italian immigrants, Mexican-Americans, and Asian-Americans were all victims of such violence. Even white people were killed in this way — but Stevenson argues that those deaths were less about terror and more about breakdowns in the criminal justice system, he tells Teen Vogue. "They were mostly hanged in places where there was no functioning criminal justice system. That was 'frontier justice,'" he says. “When a white person was hanged, it wasn’t in an effort to terrorize white people. In that respect, the lynching of African-Americans occupies a unique historical space.”
That’s why Wells-Barnett’s work was, and continues to be, so critical to understanding both the role of lynching in everyday life in the late-19th and early-20th centuries and the overwhelming silence from the mass media and the government in response to the terror she documented. Because of Wells-Barnett’s efforts, social organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) launched successful anti-lynching efforts. Wells-Barnett wrote under a pseudonym and risked her own life to ensure the truth of lynchings saw the light of day.
In this political moment, many are still wrestling with the modern manifestations of black subjugation and repression, such as mass incarceration and police brutality. As young black people assert their identities and personhood through activism and resistance, there remains a question of when or, rather, if black lives will start to matter in truly meaningful ways in the United States. Until we tell the truth about lynching and its role in forming this nation, we won’t get there.
 
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