为啥加拿大限制医生数量? 政府特地这么干, 因为没预算养更多医生.

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This week, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh tried — and failed — to convene an emergency House of Commons debate on the privatization of Canadian health care.

As the Ontario government of Premier Doug Ford debuted a plan to outsource more health procedures to for-profit clinics, Singh warned that it would serve only to cannibalize the public system.

“Health care is already dramatically understaffed, and for-profit facilities will poach doctors and nurses,” said Singh.

It’s a point on which Singh is probably correct – although he likely disagrees with the remedy.

While Canadians are increasingly warm to the idea of private options to alleviate a worsening crisis of health-care wait times, it won’t do much unless Canada can also break its onerous controls on health-care supply.

At the same time as politicians of all stripes condemn the country’s worsening doctor shortage, it is government policy to keep that shortage in place.

Canada maintains top-down limits on the number of students entering medical school each year. Provinces are also notoriously obstinate about approving foreign credentials in order to avoid overwhelming health-care budgets.

Until that system can be liberalized, any government contracts with for-profit providers will just be drawing from the same artificially small pool of clinics and physicians.

Canada stands alone among developed nations in maintaining an outright ban on private health insurance for anything covered by the Canada Health Act.

This is why Canadians can purchase insurance to cover emergency dental surgery, but if they get cancer they’re restricted either to getting in line – or paying cash in a U.S. hospital.

None of our peer countries do this. Two-tier systems are the norm everywhere from Japan to Belgium to the U.K.

In Australia, an expectant mother can deliver her baby for free in a no-frills public hospital. Or, if she’s got a good health insurance plan, she could opt for premium birthing care at a private hospital. In Canada, only the public option is legal.

These widescale limits on private health insurance are why Canada is particularly uptight about certifying a doctor or greenlighting a clinic, because the assumption is that the public system will have to pay for it.

The most obvious effect of this approach is that Canada maintains a quota system on how many students are allowed to enroll at the country’s 17 medical schools. A recent RBC analysis called the quota system a “choke point” that “limits student admissions to just under 3,000 spots for prospective doctors each year.”

Each year, provincial health departments calculate how many doctors they’ll be able to afford, and then sets med school admissions on that figure. In 2018, for instance, the Government of Quebec cut medical school admissions after they determined that “too many” medical students were graduating.

Basically no other profession works this way. Provinces don’t really care how many lawyers or auto mechanics their schools are producing each year, since it’s not the government’s job to find them work.

But an oncologist can only realistically expect to find employment through the government, which then prompts the government to only train as many on hand as they can afford.

A detailed “quota allocation” published by the University of Toronto Faculty of Medicine shows how the system works. For the 2020 scholastic year, the school was only allowed to train eight cardiologists, four endocrinologists and a single clinical pharmacist. The school also had to scale back its number of graduating family doctors, with one fewer allocation in the realm of “family medicine” than the year before.

It’s in part due to these quotas that in 2011 the Fraser Institute accurately forecast that Canada’s doctor shortage was poised to get exponentially worse.

“Even if government imposed restrictions on the number of doctors being trained in Canada are immediately removed, it won’t have an impact for much of the next decade given the time it takes to train a new doctor,” they wrote at the time.

The import of foreign-trained doctors has been singularly responsible for stopping the physician shortage from becoming an even worse catastrophe, but even then, Canada’s culture of top-down control of the health care supply has sharply limited foreign recruitment.

Canada is notorious for maintaining unusually onerous requirements to certify foreign doctors, with the result that the country is home to more than 13,000 internationally trained doctors who are not able to work as physicians.

At the same time, government quotas on medical residencies have been instrumental at scaring away even Canadians who have obtained medical training abroad.

“The messaging for so long has been that it’s nearly impossible to get a bloody residency in Canada if you’re an international graduate,” reads a recent quote in the Globe and Mail by Peter Nealon, CEO of the Atlantic Bridge Program, a group that slots North Americans into Irish medical schools.

“You tell people to go away long enough, and eventually, they go away.”
 
虽然加拿大人对通过私人选择来缓解不断恶化的医疗保健等待时间危机的想法越来越感兴趣,但除非加拿大也能打破对医疗保健供应的繁重控制,否则它不会有太大作用。



在各界政治家谴责该国日益严重的医生短缺的同时,政府的政策是保持这种短缺。



加拿大对每年进入医学院的学生人数实行自上而下的限制。众所周知,各省在批准外国证书方面也很顽固,以避免医疗保健预算不堪重负。



在该系统可以自由化之前,任何与营利性提供者签订的政府合同都只会从同一个人为的小诊所和医生群中提取。



加拿大在发达国家中独树一帜,完全禁止对《加拿大卫生法》涵盖的任何事物进行私人医疗保险。



这就是为什么加拿大人可以购买保险来承保紧急牙科手术,但如果他们得了癌症,他们要么只能排队,要么只能在美国医院支付现金。



我们的同行国家都没有这样做。从日本到比利时再到英国,两层系统在任何地方都是常态
 
医生协会正在探索改变方案,正在,请耐心等
和政府没毛关系
 
钱都用到哪里去了?
最终多数人将不得不依赖AI医生。
也许不是坏事儿。
 
扯淡
医生越多,政府付担应该越小,服务也会更好。因为卖家多了就会降价,质量差了就会被淘汰
 
扯淡
医生越多,政府付担应该越小,服务也会更好。因为卖家多了就会降价,质量差了就会被淘汰
扯淡
加拿大的医生很容易到美国执业,如果美加医生收入有很大差距,最后的结果将是加拿大没有医生。
 

This week, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh tried — and failed — to convene an emergency House of Commons debate on the privatization of Canadian health care.

As the Ontario government of Premier Doug Ford debuted a plan to outsource more health procedures to for-profit clinics, Singh warned that it would serve only to cannibalize the public system.

“Health care is already dramatically understaffed, and for-profit facilities will poach doctors and nurses,” said Singh.

It’s a point on which Singh is probably correct – although he likely disagrees with the remedy.

While Canadians are increasingly warm to the idea of private options to alleviate a worsening crisis of health-care wait times, it won’t do much unless Canada can also break its onerous controls on health-care supply.

At the same time as politicians of all stripes condemn the country’s worsening doctor shortage, it is government policy to keep that shortage in place.

Canada maintains top-down limits on the number of students entering medical school each year. Provinces are also notoriously obstinate about approving foreign credentials in order to avoid overwhelming health-care budgets.

Until that system can be liberalized, any government contracts with for-profit providers will just be drawing from the same artificially small pool of clinics and physicians.

Canada stands alone among developed nations in maintaining an outright ban on private health insurance for anything covered by the Canada Health Act.

This is why Canadians can purchase insurance to cover emergency dental surgery, but if they get cancer they’re restricted either to getting in line – or paying cash in a U.S. hospital.

None of our peer countries do this. Two-tier systems are the norm everywhere from Japan to Belgium to the U.K.

In Australia, an expectant mother can deliver her baby for free in a no-frills public hospital. Or, if she’s got a good health insurance plan, she could opt for premium birthing care at a private hospital. In Canada, only the public option is legal.

These widescale limits on private health insurance are why Canada is particularly uptight about certifying a doctor or greenlighting a clinic, because the assumption is that the public system will have to pay for it.

The most obvious effect of this approach is that Canada maintains a quota system on how many students are allowed to enroll at the country’s 17 medical schools. A recent RBC analysis called the quota system a “choke point” that “limits student admissions to just under 3,000 spots for prospective doctors each year.”

Each year, provincial health departments calculate how many doctors they’ll be able to afford, and then sets med school admissions on that figure. In 2018, for instance, the Government of Quebec cut medical school admissions after they determined that “too many” medical students were graduating.

Basically no other profession works this way. Provinces don’t really care how many lawyers or auto mechanics their schools are producing each year, since it’s not the government’s job to find them work.

But an oncologist can only realistically expect to find employment through the government, which then prompts the government to only train as many on hand as they can afford.

A detailed “quota allocation” published by the University of Toronto Faculty of Medicine shows how the system works. For the 2020 scholastic year, the school was only allowed to train eight cardiologists, four endocrinologists and a single clinical pharmacist. The school also had to scale back its number of graduating family doctors, with one fewer allocation in the realm of “family medicine” than the year before.

It’s in part due to these quotas that in 2011 the Fraser Institute accurately forecast that Canada’s doctor shortage was poised to get exponentially worse.

“Even if government imposed restrictions on the number of doctors being trained in Canada are immediately removed, it won’t have an impact for much of the next decade given the time it takes to train a new doctor,” they wrote at the time.

The import of foreign-trained doctors has been singularly responsible for stopping the physician shortage from becoming an even worse catastrophe, but even then, Canada’s culture of top-down control of the health care supply has sharply limited foreign recruitment.

Canada is notorious for maintaining unusually onerous requirements to certify foreign doctors, with the result that the country is home to more than 13,000 internationally trained doctors who are not able to work as physicians.

At the same time, government quotas on medical residencies have been instrumental at scaring away even Canadians who have obtained medical training abroad.

“The messaging for so long has been that it’s nearly impossible to get a bloody residency in Canada if you’re an international graduate,” reads a recent quote in the Globe and Mail by Peter Nealon, CEO of the Atlantic Bridge Program, a group that slots North Americans into Irish medical schools.

“You tell people to go away long enough, and eventually, they go away.”

钱闹的。
 
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