教师罢工: 挺教联反教联 白人华裔家长爆冲突

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教师罢工: 挺教联反教联 白人华裔家长爆冲突

2014-09-15 | 来源: 世界日报

  
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  近千家长集会温哥华美术馆,要求省府接受仲裁。(记者刘焕宇╱摄影)

  
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  近千家长集会温哥华美术馆,要求省府接受仲裁。(记者刘焕宇╱摄影)

  
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  卑诗家长联盟带着象徵被噤声的口罩到现场表达诉求,遭教联支持者排挤。(记者刘焕宇╱摄影)

  
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  卑诗家长联盟被迫转移至人行道继续抗议,仍被阻止,警察前来维持现场。(记者刘焕宇╱摄影)

  
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  教联支持方试图用标语挡住卑诗家长联盟方。(记者刘焕宇╱摄影)

  
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  素里中心荷兰公园14日也发起集会抗议,号称中立的家长盼双方尽快达成协议,还孩子教育机会。中间发言人为吉尔。(记者刘焕宇╱摄影)

  卑诗教师罢工工潮,白人家长与亚裔,特别是华裔家长的态度截然不同,白人一方普遍支持卑诗教师联盟(BCTF),另华裔则力斥教联胁持学生作筹码贪得无厌,在昨日(13日)的一项集会活动里,双方发生冲突及肢体碰撞,场面火爆,需要警方介入。

  数百白人家长及学生响应数位家长的号召,13日上午聚集温哥华市中心美术馆外,要求省府接受教联提出的约性仲裁方案。现场也有来自卑诗家长联盟的十余名华裔家长,在场外抗议教联胁持学生及家长,要求教联复工,但遭到支持教联的家长多次挤压。

  集会是在上午10时开始,数百位支持教联的家长及学生聚集美术馆外,架起扩音设备,有数位学生及家长代表上台发言,指控简蕙芝政府,要求省府接受仲裁而不是透过立法手段解决工潮,提出将E80条款从合约中移除等诉求。响应的家长按照脸书上发起人的要求,多人身穿红色衣服,带着锣鼓等工具,备好各种抗议标语。甚至有人还制作了一具木头棺材,象徵卑诗未来。

  新民主党省议员关慧贞和艾美宝(Mable Elmore)也到场支持。关慧贞批评省府对解决工潮问题一拖再拖,未有听取家长意见,促省府赶快想出自己的解决办法。

  与此同时,十余名来自卑诗家长联盟的华裔家长带着画有红叉的口罩及标语,在广场的另一角落抗议。发起人刘祖军表示,教联无权代表学生和家长,不应该以学生的教育机会作要挟,拿孩子当筹码。在这场工潮中,家长无法发声。所以同样发起抗议,要求保护纳税人以及促请教联把学生放在第一位,立即停止罢工。

  华裔家长抗议团到场不多久,教联支持者迅速过来理论,更多的教联支持者阻挡住华裔家长团,迫使华裔家长退离广场,来到西乔治亚街人行道面对街道继续抗议。教联支持方同样到场,走下人行道再次阻挡。因阻碍交通,引来警察协调,後双方都在人行道上互相辩论,言辞激烈,甚至一度发生肢体碰撞。

  华人家长问:「我们也有权发声,为何要加以阻挡?」。教联支持方则一再强调罢工应该归因省府,质问为何绝大多数民众都支持教联,而华人家长却不支持?

  教联支持者屡屡用自己的标语挡住华人家长及其标语。记者在现场拍照时,也被一位教联支持者指应该到主场报导对省府的抗议。

  扰攘个多小时後,卑诗家长联盟抗议团等於被主集会者赶出抗议主场。随後,教联支持者们举着标语,喊着口号,走上马路,围着美术馆继续抗议。

  另外,一位乘坐电动轮椅的白人老太太在现场劝说教师尽快结束罢工,不要给纳税人增添财务压力,但也遭到几位教联支持方的激烈反驳。

  ●素里中立派家长 促早达协议

  13日下午5时,素里市中心荷兰公园也发起一个家长集会抗议,主要参加者为印裔家长,其中也有部分华裔。发起人之一吉尔(Meera Gill)表示,集会为社区基础,是代表社区发声。来参加集会的家长们不支持省府或教联任何一方,只是希望透过集会施压,促使双方达成协议,让孩子们重回校园。

  另有一个「为改变而集会」(Rally for Change)的组织计画本周从周一到周五,每天中午12时至1时,在各社区校门外、市府、大学、医院及诊所以及法院门口发起抗议,促省府修改财政预算,在公共机构上投入更多资金。
 
最后编辑:
1907: Anti-Asian Riots in Vancouver

Background on Asians in Canada

Chinese workers had made their way to Canada for some decades before the 1870s, but it was the promise of work on
the transcontinental railway that brought Chinese to Canada in large numbers. Railway owners argued that they should hire
Asian railway workers because they could not find anyone else to do the dangerous and difficult work of railroad building.
Many British Canadians, however, felt that it was the low wages that Chinese people charged that made them attractive
alternatives to higher paid non-Asians. As employment on the railways decreased after 1886, Chinese workers filled a
variety of jobs in rural and urban British Columbia. In 1885, the Canadian government, giving way to years of pressure
from British Columbia, passed laws preventing Canadian citizens of Chinese origin from voting, and requiring each
Chinese person to pay a tax of $50 upon entry into Canada. By 1901, this “head tax” as it was known, was raised to $100,
and in 1903 it was raised to $500—a sum equal to one year’s salary for a working man.

Hostility was increasingly directed toward these immigrants with the economic recession of 1903-1907. Social
reformers began to associate the Chinese with crime, immorality and disease in Vancouver’s poorest neighbourhood.
Vancouver’s ‘Chinatown’ became a focus for reformers wanting to highlight the dreadful living conditions—the inadequate
and overcrowded housing, the poor sewage and water facilities of this area of town. Although Chinatown merchants
themselves lobbied during the early 20th century for improved conditions, city councillors and journalists persisted in
seeing the terrible living and working conditions in Chinatown as a result of moral and cultural flaws among the Chinese
population. Outside observers were disturbed by the tendency of the Chinese to smoke opium, and a law prohibiting the
sale of the drug (which has been introduced to the Chinese by the British a century earlier) was passed in 1908.

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Sleeping quarters for 16 in a rooming house, Vancouver Chinatown, December 1902 (British Columbia Archives, Accession # 193501-001; Call # D-00335; Catalogue # HP059639) http://www.bcarchives.gov.bc.ca/cgi-bin/text2htm

The riot

In 1907, the Asiatic Exclusion League was formed in British Columbia by members of a working men’s association
concerned about the impact of the continued presence of poorly paid Chinese workers. On September 8th, 1907, upset that
11,000 Asians had immigrated to Canada that year, and hearing rumours that another boatload of immigrants was about to
arrive, some thousands of marchers met in downtown Vancouver. The protesters marched their way through the streets
carrying banners (“Keep Canada White” and “Stop the Yellow Peril”) and singing “Rule Britannia.” More than ten
thousand people assembled outside the downtown city hall. They also burned an effigy of Dunsmuir, the coal-mining baron
on Vancouver Island, who “dared” to hire Chinese. After giving wild speeches against the Chinese, leaders encouraged the
crowd to move towards nearby Chinatown and Little Tokyo. Four hours of rioting began with the breaking of windows and
looting of Asian businesses. Although the Chinese did not fight back, the Japanese did. In addition to considerable
property damage, many on both sides were hurt in the race riot.


Effects of the riot

The immediate effect of the riot was, unfortunately, to heighten racial feelings between Asians and those identifying
themselves as “White” or “British” Canadians. Although these riots had no direct effect on Aboriginal peoples, the
increased racism that the riots demonstrated was also directed towards all non-white groups throughout Canada as an
agenda of white supremacy took hold. In the following months, neither the people of Vancouver, nor the government tried
to stop racism or punish those who promoted hatred against people. Instead, it responded by limiting immigration from
Asia. The “head tax” remained at the high level of $500 per person. In 1907, Japanese and Canada agreed in a
“Gentleman’s Agreement” to limit Japanese immigration to Canada to 400 people a year, a number that was reduced to 150
in 1928. In 1908, legislation limited Asian immigration further. With a head tax of $500 on Chinese heads, very few people
were able to immigrate. South Asians were barred entirely from entering Canada in 1908. On Dominion Day (July 1) 1923,
the federal government passed legislation suspending Chinese immigration indefinitely. Only after World War II, in 1947,
were Chinese once again allowed to immigrate to Canada. While South Asian families were allowed to reunite with their
Canadian families after 1919, Chinese wives and could not join their husbands and many of the early pioneer men were left
single.

Historians do not agree about the causes of the Vancouver race riot of 1907 or the violent anti-Asian feeling that was at
its root. Some maintain that economic problems explain the hatred that was expressed toward people of Asian descent.
Fears of ‘unfair competition’ during a difficult economic time meant that wages might be lowered or that jobs would be
taken away. Other historians argue that other social factors were involved, including a deep fear of being ‘taken over’ by a
foreign culture and a belief (popular at the time) that the white race was naturally better and should, therefore dominate the
world. These riots had little effect on French Canadians throughout Canada. Although French and Engl,ish were known as
the two ‘founding races’ of Canada, the racism evidenced by the Vancouver riot was based on a different set of ethnic
prejudices than those influencing French-English relations.

As a result of both formal and informal restrictions, Asian immigrants were forced into work that was often dangerous,
unpleasant and underpaid. The poverty and demoralization that often resulted from these factors was also held against
them. Canada’s refusal to extend a welcome to these immigrants reflected Canada’s racist attitudes of the era, and certainly
contributed to the creation of a country that aimed for a certain ‘sameness’ in the population. These racist attitudes behind
the policies adopted during the early 20th century surfaced again in the 1940s, when thousands of Japanese Canadians were
dispossessed of their property, moved away from the west coast and interned in work camps as a result of the Canadian
government’s fears of a Japanese invasion. In the long term, however, the legacy of these racist events in Canadian history
has been to expose the limitations that racist policies have on the growth of Canada. The backlash against such racist
policies to fight discrimination in Canada is reflected in the protections now offered to all Canadians, regardless of colour
or place of origin, in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

http://www.bclearningnetwork.com/LOR/media/SS10/Media/Immigration/anti_asian_riots.pdf
 
最后编辑:
1907: Anti-Asian Riots in Vancouver? wtf
这都可以联系在一起?今天精神病院也罢工?
 
王璐建议徵空屋税 剑指中国客

2014-09-14 世界新闻网

代表进步选民联盟(COPE)在11月角逐温哥华市长的王璐认为,应向並不是长期在温哥华居住的居民徵收房屋空置税。儘管她没有说明针对的对象,但显然是剑指中国投资者及移民登陆后回国的太空人。

本身从香港移民过来的王璐,在接受香港南华早报驻温记者访问时表示,作为资本主义自由市场,当然不能控制谁可以,谁不可以来温哥华,但若把温哥华作为「度假」之地,那么就应该要多付一些。

她又说,「如果你可以负担得起购买数百万元的房子,而又每年空置8至10个月的话,那当然有能力付出更多,这就是附加税。」

王璐声称,儘管温哥华可负担房屋严重短缺,但房屋空置率却相当高。

她否认向这些间中来温哥华,多数时间丟下房子任其空置的人徵收附加税是一种惩罚,而是要他们对这个城市负责任。

儘管王璐在访问中没有指明任何人,但数据显示,温西豪宅不少买家都是来自中国的富人,包括投资者或是新移民,当中不少长时间都不在温哥华居住。

Nearly a quarter of Vancouver’s condos are empty, but Gen Y still can’t afford to buy in

Snap2.jpg
 
最后编辑:
王璐建议徵空屋税 剑指中国客

2014-09-14 世界新闻网

代表进步选民联盟(COPE)在11月角逐温哥华市长的王璐认为,应向並不是长期在温哥华居住的居民徵收房屋空置税。儘管她没有说明针对的对象,但显然是剑指中国投资者及移民登陆后回国的太空人。

本身从香港移民过来的王璐,在接受香港南华早报驻温记者访问时表示,作为资本主义自由市场,当然不能控制谁可以,谁不可以来温哥华,但若把温哥华作为「度假」之地,那么就应该要多付一些。

她又说,「如果你可以负担得起购买数百万元的房子,而又每年空置8至10个月的话,那当然有能力付出更多,这就是附加税。」

王璐声称,儘管温哥华可负担房屋严重短缺,但房屋空置率却相当高。

她否认向这些间中来温哥华,多数时间丟下房子任其空置的人徵收附加税是一种惩罚,而是要他们对这个城市负责任。

儘管王璐在访问中没有指明任何人,但数据显示,温西豪宅不少买家都是来自中国的富人,包括投资者或是新移民,当中不少长时间都不在温哥华居住。

Nearly a quarter of Vancouver’s condos are empty, but Gen Y still can’t afford to buy in

浏览附件454699
空屋税都来了?
不是说教师罢工吗?
 
王璐建议徵空屋税 剑指中国客

2014-09-14 世界新闻网

代表进步选民联盟(COPE)在11月角逐温哥华市长的王璐认为,应向並不是长期在温哥华居住的居民徵收房屋空置税。儘管她没有说明针对的对象,但显然是剑指中国投资者及移民登陆后回国的太空人。

本身从香港移民过来的王璐,在接受香港南华早报驻温记者访问时表示,作为资本主义自由市场,当然不能控制谁可以,谁不可以来温哥华,但若把温哥华作为「度假」之地,那么就应该要多付一些。

她又说,「如果你可以负担得起购买数百万元的房子,而又每年空置8至10个月的话,那当然有能力付出更多,这就是附加税。」

王璐声称,儘管温哥华可负担房屋严重短缺,但房屋空置率却相当高。

她否认向这些间中来温哥华,多数时间丟下房子任其空置的人徵收附加税是一种惩罚,而是要他们对这个城市负责任。

儘管王璐在访问中没有指明任何人,但数据显示,温西豪宅不少买家都是来自中国的富人,包括投资者或是新移民,当中不少长时间都不在温哥华居住。

Nearly a quarter of Vancouver’s condos are empty, but Gen Y still can’t afford to buy in

浏览附件454699


为什么其空置的人要对这个城市负更多的责任?
 
为什么其空置的人要对这个城市负更多的责任?

“Hostility was increasingly directed toward these immigrants with the economic recession of 1903-1907. Social reformers began to associate the Chinese with crime, immorality and disease in Vancouver’s poorest neighbourhood.”
“Many British Canadians, however, felt that it was the low wages that Chinese people charged that made them attractive alternatives to higher paid non-Asians.”

100多年前,(勤劳的)华人不在乎劳工利益保护,引起白人反感,以至爆发骚乱;
100多年后的今天,华人家长反对劳工为保护自己利益的罢工,引起白人家长反感,以至爆发肢体冲突。

100多年前,华人因居住条件差遭到白人反感和排挤
100多年后,华人因钱多买进豪宅和公寓空置,把房价炒到白人负担不起,引起白人抱怨以至。。。

难道华人真象你说的是“工贼”?
为什么100多年过去了,华人与白人的想法和行动还是如此格格不入,水火不容?
在一定条件下,有没有可能在加拿大再次出现排华? 如果可能,会以什么形式出现?
 
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