同情特朗普

  • 主题发起人 主题发起人 ccc
  • 开始时间 开始时间
假设: 2020总统选举,特朗普输了,但是他不认输,不离开白宫。

这可咋整? :evil:
他的前律师在国会作证时说,他担心如果trump大选失败不会“和平”交接。。。

估计动用军队不大可能,军队也不大可能听他的。

但以trump的为人,发推鼓动那些有枪的base选民保卫白宫不是没有可能。。。

那美国就真的乱了。。。
 
Trump's border protection chief to resign

90


Acting Customs and Border Protection Commissioner John Sanders is resigning amid heightened scrutiny over the administration's treatment of migrant children detained in facilities along the southern border.

Sanders’ exit, which he confirmed Tuesday in an email to CBP employees, marks the latest high-profile departure at President Donald Trump’s Department of Homeland Security — creating a new leadership vacuum atop the nation’s chief border enforcement agency as it struggles to quell a surge in Central American migrants entering the U.S. through Mexico.

“As some of you are aware, yesterday I offered my resignation to Secretary McAleenan, effective Friday, July 5,” Sanders wrote in his staff-wide email.
 
trump的反应。。。但愿别轰炸伊朗。。。
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E. Jean Carroll says Donald Trump sexually assaulted her in a dressing room at a Manhattan department store in the mid-1990s. He denies the accusation.CreditCreditCraig Ruttle/Associated Press

I am simply disgusted by what’s happening in America.

My political differences with this president and his accomplices in Congress — and now on the Supreme Court — are only part of the reason. Indeed, those differences may not be the lesser reason, and that, for me, says a lot.

For me, the reason is that the country, or large segments of it, seems to be acquiescing to a particular form of evil, one that is pernicious and even playful, one in which the means of chipping away at our values and morals grow even stronger, graduating from tack hammer to standard hammer to sledgehammer.

America, it seems to me, is drifting toward catastrophe. Donald Trump is leading us there. And all the while, our politicians plot about political outcomes and leverage. Republican politicians are afraid to upset him; Democratic politicians are afraid to impeach him.

One thing that should never be underestimated is a politician’s clawing instinct toward self-preservation. These disciples of flexibility have learned well that the trees that remain standing are those that bend best in the storm.

Trump is to them a storm. But, to many of us, he is desolation, or the possibility thereof.

But, because nothing changes, because he is never truly held accountable, too many Americans are settling into a functional numbness, a just-let-me-survive-it form of sedation. But, that is where the edge of death is marked. That is where the rot begins. That is where a society loses itself.

Take for instance the latest sexual accusation against Trump: Advice columnist E. Jean Carroll alleges that Trump sexually assaulted her in 1995 or 1996 in a Bergdorf Goodman dressing room. Carroll doesn’t call it rape, but rape is what she describes.

Carroll writes that Trump “pushed her against the wall, pushed his mouth against her lips, then pulled down her tights, unzipped his pants and forced his ‘fingers around my private area, thrusts his penis halfway — or completely, I’m not certain — inside me,’” as The New York Times reported it.

Don’t just keep reading. Don’t just think that you’ve heard this before. Don’t just think that this kind of “behavior” is baked into how people feel about Trump. Go back and read that last paragraph. Read it slowly. Place yourself — or your mother, or your wife, sister, daughter, cousin, girlfriend or friend — in that dressing room. Imagine the struggle. Imagine the violation. Imagine the anger.

And now remember that the alleged perpetrator is now the president. And, remember that Carroll is by no means alone; a chorus of other women have also accused Trump of sexual misconduct.

But, Carroll’s account stands out for its brutality and severity.

And yet, her account landed like one more body on the pile in a mass grave: reduced by the multitude of other accusations rather than amplified by them.

There was media coverage of Carroll’s accusation and social media discussion of it, but it never truly sufficiently sunk in and gathered the gravity it deserved.

Then Dean Baquet, executive editor of The Times, even said this newspaper “underplayed” the article it published on the accusation.

And Trump, in his swelling depravity, responded to the allegations by telling The Hill: “I’ll say it with great respect: Number one, she’s not my type. Number two, it never happened. It never happened, O.K.?”

Well, sir, which type for you is rape-worthy?

To you, America, I ask: What is the breaking point? Is there a breaking point? Does nothing now matter that used to matter? Do we simply allow this accusation to pass like all the others, using the limping excuse that whether or not the man who sits in the Oval Office is a sexual predator or not, he was sufficiently litigated in the 2016 election?

A sickness has settled on this country. We are stuck in a stupor. People have settled in themselves that the only remedy is at the ballot box in 2020, mostly because that is what they are incessantly being told.

And just a few days on from the rape allegation, the news of the moment has shifted. We eagerly anticipate a sorting to emerge from the Democratic debates, anticipate Robert Mueller’s testimony before Congress and anticipate Trump’s performance in Asia.

There are other crises, other emergencies, other traumas. Trump is waging war on immigrants, waging war on the environment, and has hinted at waging war on Iran.

How to weigh one woman’s tale of victimization — or that of multiple women — by Trump against a world being driven into chaos by Trump? Mustn’t our concern shrink relative to our concern for the rest of humanity? In a life in which the human capacity for outrage is limited and wanes, mustn’t we aim it at the most egregious offense?

I say that this allegation, if true, is the most egregious offense. Not the most deadly or having the most consequences for future generations, but absolutely the most revelatory about character, privilege and abuse of power.

This would be an act of the most intimate violence performed by the man who is now president himself, flesh to flesh, not with the numbing distance of a signature on an executive order or an offense screamed out at one of his rage rallies.

This president acts as if he is above the law, or is the law. He lies and he cheats and he bullies. He is hateful and rude and racist. He talks about women to whom he is attracted as if they’re objects to be possessed and about women who dare to challenge him as enemies who must be destroyed.

Carroll’s allegation fits the behaviors that have been established or alleged. America owes it to itself to deeply ponder it, and possibly hear sworn testimony about whether it’s true.

Or, conversely, America can simply sleepwalk its way to the polls in 2020 hoping the world is still intact when it opens its eyes.
 
Ivanka在G20上总想凑前和各国领导人们掺和掺和,一下go viral了。。。

 
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In January 2016, Donald Trump made a brash boast about his impunity from the norms and laws of a civilized, democratic society. He could stand on New York City’s 5th Ave, he said, “and shoot somebody” and not lose voters. Less than four years later, after a constant, diarrhetic stream of corrosive, exhausting lying, bullying, and unprecedented cruelty, greed and corruption by his administration, he’d be proven correct. That came via a report, not that Trump shot someone on 5th Ave, but rather that he raped someone on 5th Ave in the mid-90s, in the dressing room of department store Bergdorf Goodman. The attack was detailed in an excerpt from journalist E. Jean Carroll’s new book, What Do We Need Men For?, in New York magazine.

In “My List of Hideous Men,” the 75-year-old advice columnist names the many boys and men who groped, assaulted, harassed, strangled, and attacked her over her lifetime with bracing wit and poignant wisdom. It’s a list that includes former CBS CEO Les Moonves and Fox News founder Roger Ailes, who both were ejected from their lofty positions post-#MeToo. Carroll’s most “hideous” man is now president of the United States, she writes, recounting a friendly encounter that quickly turned savage: a fully dressed Trump “opens the overcoat, unzips his pants, and, forcing his fingers around my private area, thrusts his penis halfway — or completely, I’m not certain — inside me. It turns into a colossal struggle.” She pushed him away and fled.

Carroll’s accusation now figures as a harrowing watershed, and not because it reveals anything new about the U.S. president—a sentence that should summon shock and impeachment proceedings, but hasn’t. It revealed a country and media so corroded, so wearied, so disoriented by Trump’s trampling of political norms and decency without checks and balances that his once-mocked boast of being untouchable and unaccountable has been internalized. Thus, what Carroll says happened in that dressing room isn’t just one more woman coming forward a quarter of a century later, it’s a metaphor for what the former reality-TV-show-star turned autocrat is doing to a nation: an improbable lark quickly turned into an attack on the American body politic and democracy itself.

The credibility of Carroll’s report, ironically, rests less on the public corroboration by two friends she told at the time than Trump’s own “Grab them by the pussy” sexual-assault MO braggadocio. Carroll is the 22nd woman to accuse Trump of assault, and not the first to detail rape, though she chooses not to use that word. In a sworn deposition in divorce proceedings, Trump’s first wife, Ivana, described a 1987 rape; she dialled back the charge after settlement.

Predictably, Trump supporters, who elected him after nine women accused him of assault, remained stalwart. Trump’s objectfication of women as commodities that either please or disgust him likely burnished his brand with his base, Carroll observes: “the poor saps” see Trump as “their favourite Walking Phallus.” Two Republican senators have called for an investigation, though if Robert Mueller’s report didn’t force accountability, it’s hard to see how Mitt Romney will.

Far more telling of entrenched Trump assault ennui was the media coverage, or lack of it, of a public figure accusing the president of rape. It wasn’t front-page worthy for the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, or Chicago Tribune. The Times ran the story in its books section; “we were overly cautious,” editor Dean Baquet later said. The scene resembled an Ouroboros eating its own tail—with media focus on media downplaying the story or censoring it, seen with the Rupert Murdoch-owned New York Post scrubbing it from its website.

Rather than seek a moral compass to reclaim lost normalcy, many outlets played stenographer for Trump, quoting him responding to Carroll’s allegation as he does to all threats: “Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender,” or DARVO, a strategy commonly used by those accused of sexual assault, and their lawyers: the accused becomes the true “victim,” and the accuser is the offender. Not uncoincidentally, it’s also a gas-lighting technique used by dictators to consolidate power: by framing themselves, and their followers, under constant attack.
Trump lied that he’d never met Carroll, despite a photo that accompanied the New York excerpt that showed him and Carroll chatting amiably at a 1987 NBC party. Trump doubled down and accused Carroll of lying to sell her book. “What she did is terrible,” he said: “women are ruining men’s lives by coming forward with these types of allegations.” He compared himself to Brett Kavanaugh, who was victimized all the way onto the U.S. Supreme Court, while his accuser, Christine Blasey Ford, had her life upended.

Most risibly, the president recycled a favourite defence, calling Carroll not attractive enough to sexually assault: “she’s not my type,” he said. (“That would not be my first choice,” he said of Jessica Leeds, who reported Trump groped her on an airplane in the ‘80s.) Even that’s not true: 25 years ago, Carroll, a former beauty-pageant winner, was a dead ringer for Trump’s second wife Marla Maples.

That’s beside the point, of course. Sexual assault is not about sexual attraction; it’s about exerting power and imposing will over another. And here Trump’s flagrant disrespect for women and violation of their bodies in plain sight on the campaign trail offered a preview of his plans for a nation. Carroll was able to flee from Trump, though her account suggests she never fully escaped. As for America, based on the response to Carroll’s claim, it’s clearly still stuck in that Bergdorf Goodman dressing room.
 
当年克林顿被整得很惨,可他那点事比起川普算小巫了吧。是民主党多年的弱势,还是选民的注意力变化了?
浏览附件840680

In January 2016, Donald Trump made a brash boast about his impunity from the norms and laws of a civilized, democratic society. He could stand on New York City’s 5th Ave, he said, “and shoot somebody” and not lose voters. Less than four years later, after a constant, diarrhetic stream of corrosive, exhausting lying, bullying, and unprecedented cruelty, greed and corruption by his administration, he’d be proven correct. That came via a report, not that Trump shot someone on 5th Ave, but rather that he raped someone on 5th Ave in the mid-90s, in the dressing room of department store Bergdorf Goodman. The attack was detailed in an excerpt from journalist E. Jean Carroll’s new book, What Do We Need Men For?, in New York magazine.

In “My List of Hideous Men,” the 75-year-old advice columnist names the many boys and men who groped, assaulted, harassed, strangled, and attacked her over her lifetime with bracing wit and poignant wisdom. It’s a list that includes former CBS CEO Les Moonves and Fox News founder Roger Ailes, who both were ejected from their lofty positions post-#MeToo. Carroll’s most “hideous” man is now president of the United States, she writes, recounting a friendly encounter that quickly turned savage: a fully dressed Trump “opens the overcoat, unzips his pants, and, forcing his fingers around my private area, thrusts his penis halfway — or completely, I’m not certain — inside me. It turns into a colossal struggle.” She pushed him away and fled.

Carroll’s accusation now figures as a harrowing watershed, and not because it reveals anything new about the U.S. president—a sentence that should summon shock and impeachment proceedings, but hasn’t. It revealed a country and media so corroded, so wearied, so disoriented by Trump’s trampling of political norms and decency without checks and balances that his once-mocked boast of being untouchable and unaccountable has been internalized. Thus, what Carroll says happened in that dressing room isn’t just one more woman coming forward a quarter of a century later, it’s a metaphor for what the former reality-TV-show-star turned autocrat is doing to a nation: an improbable lark quickly turned into an attack on the American body politic and democracy itself.

The credibility of Carroll’s report, ironically, rests less on the public corroboration by two friends she told at the time than Trump’s own “Grab them by the pussy” sexual-assault MO braggadocio. Carroll is the 22nd woman to accuse Trump of assault, and not the first to detail rape, though she chooses not to use that word. In a sworn deposition in divorce proceedings, Trump’s first wife, Ivana, described a 1987 rape; she dialled back the charge after settlement.

Predictably, Trump supporters, who elected him after nine women accused him of assault, remained stalwart. Trump’s objectfication of women as commodities that either please or disgust him likely burnished his brand with his base, Carroll observes: “the poor saps” see Trump as “their favourite Walking Phallus.” Two Republican senators have called for an investigation, though if Robert Mueller’s report didn’t force accountability, it’s hard to see how Mitt Romney will.

Far more telling of entrenched Trump assault ennui was the media coverage, or lack of it, of a public figure accusing the president of rape. It wasn’t front-page worthy for the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, or Chicago Tribune. The Times ran the story in its books section; “we were overly cautious,” editor Dean Baquet later said. The scene resembled an Ouroboros eating its own tail—with media focus on media downplaying the story or censoring it, seen with the Rupert Murdoch-owned New York Post scrubbing it from its website.

Rather than seek a moral compass to reclaim lost normalcy, many outlets played stenographer for Trump, quoting him responding to Carroll’s allegation as he does to all threats: “Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender,” or DARVO, a strategy commonly used by those accused of sexual assault, and their lawyers: the accused becomes the true “victim,” and the accuser is the offender. Not uncoincidentally, it’s also a gas-lighting technique used by dictators to consolidate power: by framing themselves, and their followers, under constant attack.
Trump lied that he’d never met Carroll, despite a photo that accompanied the New York excerpt that showed him and Carroll chatting amiably at a 1987 NBC party. Trump doubled down and accused Carroll of lying to sell her book. “What she did is terrible,” he said: “women are ruining men’s lives by coming forward with these types of allegations.” He compared himself to Brett Kavanaugh, who was victimized all the way onto the U.S. Supreme Court, while his accuser, Christine Blasey Ford, had her life upended.

Most risibly, the president recycled a favourite defence, calling Carroll not attractive enough to sexually assault: “she’s not my type,” he said. (“That would not be my first choice,” he said of Jessica Leeds, who reported Trump groped her on an airplane in the ‘80s.) Even that’s not true: 25 years ago, Carroll, a former beauty-pageant winner, was a dead ringer for Trump’s second wife Marla Maples.

That’s beside the point, of course. Sexual assault is not about sexual attraction; it’s about exerting power and imposing will over another. And here Trump’s flagrant disrespect for women and violation of their bodies in plain sight on the campaign trail offered a preview of his plans for a nation. Carroll was able to flee from Trump, though her account suggests she never fully escaped. As for America, based on the response to Carroll’s claim, it’s clearly still stuck in that Bergdorf Goodman dressing room.
 
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