布什总统全国电视讲话 (全文)
同胞们，伊拉克事态现已进入了最后决定的时刻。十多年来，美国和其他国家进
行了耐心的、诚意的努力，以便不用战争方式解除伊拉克政权的武器。作为1991
年海湾战争的停战条件，伊拉克政权保证将公布并销毁其所有大规模毁灭性武器
。
自那时候起，全世界进行了12年的外交努力。我们在联合国安理会通过了十多项
决议。我们派出了数百名武器核查人员，监督伊拉克消除武器。我们的良好用心
没有得到回报。
伊拉克政权一直把外交作为争取时间和优势的策略。它一贯违抗安理会要求其全
面消除武器的各项决议。多年来，联合国武器核查人员遭到伊拉克官员的威胁，
他们受到电子窃听和蓄意欺骗。和平解除伊拉克政权的武器的努力一次次失败--
因为我们面对的不是和平之士。
我国和其他政府收集的情报毫无疑问地说明，伊拉克政权继续拥有并隐藏某些有
史以来最具杀伤力的武器。该政权已经对伊拉克的邻国和伊拉克人民使用过大规
模毁灭性武器。
该政权有在中东地区肆意侵犯的历史。它对美国和美国的盟友怀着刻骨仇恨。它
帮助、训练并庇护了恐怖主义分子，其中包括"基地"组织成员。
危险是明显的：利用在伊拉克的帮助下获得的化学和生物武器，也许终有一天还
会有核武器，恐怖主义分子可能实现他们昭彰的野心，在我国或其他任何国家，
杀害成千上万无辜民众。
美国和其他国家不应受到也没有招致这种威胁。但我们将竭尽全力击败它。我们
不会随波逐流滑向悲剧的深渊，而是要开辟通往安全之路。在恐怖来临之前，在
采取行动尚未太晚之时，必须铲除这一危险。
美国有使用武力确保自己国家安全的最高权力。作为总司令，这一职责落在我的
肩上，这既是我发过的誓言，也将是我信守的誓言。
美国国会认识到我国所面临的威胁，于去年以压倒多数的投票支持对伊拉克使用
武力。美国努力同联合国一道对付这一威胁，因为我们希望和平解决这个问题。
我们相信联合国的使命。在第二次世界大战之后成立联合国的原因之一，就是为
了主动地、及早地遏制侵略成性的独裁者，不让他们有可能对无辜者发动攻击和
破坏和平。
在伊拉克问题上，安理会在90年代初确实采取过行动。仍然有效的第678和687号
决议授权美国和美国的盟友用武力解除伊拉克的大规模毁灭性武器。这不是一个
是否有授权的问题，而是一个是否有意愿的问题。
去年九月，我在联合国大会上敦促世界各国团结起来，结束这种危险。去年11月
8日，安理会一致通过第1441号决议，确定伊拉克实质性地违反了其义务，并郑重
警告伊拉克，若不立即全面消除武器，就将承担严重后果。
今天，没有一个国家能说伊拉克消除了武器。只要萨达姆还在掌权，伊拉克政权
就不会消除武器。在过去的四个半月里，美国和美国的盟友一直在安理会内部为
落实安理会的长期要求而努力。但某些安理会常任理事国却公开表示，他们将否
决任何迫使伊拉克解除武器的决议。这些政府认同我们对危险的评估，但却不认
同我们解除这种危险的决心。不过，很多国家确实有决心、有意志对和平的威胁
予以反击，一个广泛的联盟目前正在形成，以落实全世界的正义要求。由于联合
国安理会未能履行它的职责，我们将站出来承担我们的责任。
最近几天，一些中东国家一直在尽他们的努力。他们公开和不公开地传递信息，
敦促这个独裁者离开伊拉克，以便使解除武器的工作和平地进行下去。他到目前
为止拒不接受。几十年的欺骗和暴行行将告终。萨达姆和他的儿子们必须在48小
时之内离开伊拉克。他们拒绝这么做就将导致军事冲突，开始时间由我们选择。
所有外国人，包括新闻记者和核查人员，都应为自身安全起见，立即离开伊拉克
。
今晚，许多伊拉克人通过收音机广播翻译可以听到我的讲话，我在此向他们发出
一个信息。如果我们必须开始军事行动， 它所针对的是那些统治你们国家的不法
之徒，而不是你们。在我们的联军解除他们的权力的同时，我们将提供你们需要
的食物和药品。我们将摧毁恐怖的机器，我们将帮助你们建立一个繁荣而自由的
新伊拉克。在自由的伊拉克，将不再有侵略你们邻国的战争，不再有毒气工厂，
不再对持不同政见人士进行杀害，不再有酷刑室和强暴间。这个独裁者很快将一
去不复返。你们获解放的日子即将来临。
现在，萨达姆侯赛因要想继续掌权已为时过晚。但是，对伊拉克军队而言，采取
正义的行动，通过让联军和平进入、销毁大规模毁灭性武器而保护你们的国家，
尚为时不晚。我们的军队将向伊拉克部队提供明确的指示，告诉他们可以采取何
种行动来避免遭到攻击和被摧毁。我敦促伊拉克军队和情报部门的每个成员，一
旦战争发生，不要为一个行将灭亡的政权而战，它不值得你们牺牲生命。
所有伊拉克军事和非军事人员必须仔细听取这一警告。在任何冲突中，你们的行
为将决定你们的命运。不得摧毁油井，这一财富资源属于伊拉克人民。不得服从
对包括伊拉克人民在内的任何人动用大规模毁灭性武器的命令。战争罪将受到起
诉。战犯将受到惩罚。"我只是执行命令"将不能成其为理由。
如果萨达姆侯赛因选择对抗，美国人民将看到，我们已经为避免战争采取了一切
措施，我们也将为赢得战争采取一切措施。美国人民懂得冲突的代价，因为我们
过去已为此付出过代价。战争是无常的，而牺牲是必然的。
然而，减少战争伤害、缩短战争时间的惟一途经便是运用我军全部的力量和实力
，而我们已严阵以待。如果萨达姆侯赛因妄图握权不放，他将至死都是我们的死
敌。他和恐怖主义组织可能孤注一掷、对美国人民和我们的友邦发动恐怖袭击。
这些袭击并非不可避免，但却是可能的。这一点更加突出说明我们为什么不能在
讹诈的威胁中生活。萨达姆侯赛因一旦被解除武器，恐怖主义对美国和世界的威
胁就将减少。
我国政府提高了对这些危险的警戒。我们在为确保在伊拉克获胜而进行准备的同
时，也在采取保护我国国土的进一步行动。近日来，美国有关当局将某些同伊拉
克情报机构有关联的人驱逐出境。其他措施还包括，我指示对我国机场加强保安
，并且增加了海岸警卫队在重要海港的巡逻。国土安全部同全国各州州长密切合
作，增加对全美各地重要设施的武装安全保卫。
敌人如果对我国发动袭击，他们就是妄图以制造惊慌来转移我们的注意力，以恐
惧来削弱我们的斗志。他们的企图不会得逞。他们的任何行动都不能改变我们的
行动方向，也动摇不了我们国家的决心。我们是爱好和平的人民，然而我们不是
脆弱的人民，我们不会被暴徒和杀人凶手所吓倒。如果敌人胆敢向我们发动攻击
，他们及其所有支持者都将面临可怕的后果。
我们现在之所以采取行动是因为不行动的危险要大得多。再过一年，或者五年，
伊拉克危害所有自由国家的力量将会成倍增加。有了这些能力，萨达姆侯赛因及
其恐怖主义同夥就可能选择在他们最有力量的时刻，挑起致命的冲突。我们选择
在现在这一时刻，在它的抬头之地，在它还未能突然出现在我们的天空和城市之
前，迎战这一威胁。
和平的事业要求所有自由国家认识到新的、无可否认的现实。在20世纪，有些国
家对杀人不眨眼的独裁者采取了绥靖政策，使其威胁得以发展成灭绝种族的大屠
杀和全球大战。在本世纪，在邪恶之徒策划化学、生物和核恐怖之时，绥靖政策
可能给地球带来的巨大破坏，将会是前所未见的。 恐怖主义分子和恐怖国家不会
以开诚布公、正式宣布的方式来预示这样的威胁，而面对这样的敌人，待他们出
击之后再做回应，不是自卫，而是自杀。世界安全要求现在就解除萨达姆侯赛因
的武器。
我们在执行世界的正义要求之际，还将信守我们国家深深的承诺。不同于萨达姆
侯赛因，我们认为伊拉克人民有权利并且有能力享有人类自由。在独裁者垮台后
，他们能为整个中东树立一个极其重要的和平和自治国家的榜样。
美国将同其他国家一道努力推进那个地区的自由与和平。我们的目标不会在一夜
之间实现，但是假以时日，将会实现。每一个生命、每一片土地都能够感受到人
类自由的力量和美好。自由的最大力量就是战胜仇恨和暴力，将男女老少的创造
力转化为对和平的追求。
这就是我们选择的未来。自由国家有责任联合起来，打击暴力之徒，保卫我们的
人民。今晚，如同我们过去所做的一样，美国及盟国将承担这一责任。
晚安，愿上帝继续保佑美国。
(全文结束)
布什总统全国讲话英文全文如下：
My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of
decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations
have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime
without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all of its weap
ons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War
in 1991.
Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have pa
ssed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Coun
cil. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarm
ament of Iraq. Our good faith has not been returned. The Iraqi regime
has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It has unifor
mly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament.
Over the years, UN weapons inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi of
ficials, electronically bugged and systematically deceived. Peaceful e
fforts to disarm the Iraq regime have failed again and again because w
e are not dealing with peaceful men.
Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt th
at the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most l
ethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of ma
ss destruction against Iraq's neighbours and against Iraq's people.
The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It
has a deep hatred of America and our friends and it has aided, traine
d and harboured terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.
The danger is clear: Using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear w
eapons obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill th
eir stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of in
nocent people in our country or any other.
The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite t
his threat, but we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of driftin
g along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety.
Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this
danger will be removed. The United States of America has the sovereign
authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That du
ty falls to me as commander-in-chief by the oath I have sworn, by the
oath I will keep.
Recognising the threat to our country, the United States Congress vote
d overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq.
America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat b
ecause we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mi
ssion of the United Nations.
One reason the UN was founded after the Second World War was to confro
nt aggressive dictators actively and early, before they can attack the
innocent and destroy the peace.
In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act in the early 1990s.
Under Resolutions 678 and 687, both still in effect, the United States
and our allies are authorised to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons
of mass destruction.
This is not a question of authority, it is a question of will. Last Se
ptember, I went to the UN General Assembly and urged the nations of th
e world to unite and bring an end to this danger. On November 8th, the
Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1441, finding Iraq in
material breach of its obligations and vowing serious consequences if
Iraq did not fully and immediately disarm.
Today, no nation can possibly claim that Iraq has disarmed. And it wil
l not disarm so long as Saddam Hussein holds power.
For the last four and a half months, the United States and our allies
have worked within the Security Council to enforce that council's long
-standing demands. Yet some permanent members of the Security Council
have publicly announced that they will veto any resolution that compel
s the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of t
he danger, but not our resolve to meet it.
Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act agains
t this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enfo
rce the just demands of the world. The United Nations Security Council
has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.
In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing th
eir part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the d
ictator to leave Iraq so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He h
as thus far refused.
All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam
Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to
do so will result in military conflict commenced at a time of our cho
osing. For their own safety, all foreign nationals, including journali
sts and inspectors, should leave Iraq immediately.
Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I
have a message for them: If we must begin a military campaign, it wil
l be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not ag
ainst you. As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver th
e food and medicine you need. We will tear down the apparatus of terro
r and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free
.
In free Iraq there will be no more wars of aggression against your nei
ghbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no
more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. T
he day of your liberation is near.
It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too la
te for the Iraq military to act with honor and protect your country, b
y permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapo
ns of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clea
r instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attack and dest
royed.
I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services: I
f war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your ow
n life.
And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully
to this warning: In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action
s. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Ir
aqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction
against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosec
uted, war criminals will be punished and it will be no defence to say,
"I was just following orders."
Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can kn
ow that every measure has been taken to avoid war and every measure wi
ll be taken to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict beca
use we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty except the cer
tainty of sacrifice.
Yet the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply th
e full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so.
If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly
foe until the end.
In desperation, he and terrorist groups might try to conduct terrorist
operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks
are not inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact u
nderscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. Th
e terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the mom
ent that Saddam Hussein is disarmed.
Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as w
e are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actio
ns to protect our homeland.
In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country ce
rtain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among othe
r measures, I have directed additional security at our airports and in
creased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports.
The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation
's governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across
America.
Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift o
ur attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they
would fail. No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolv
e of this country.
We are a peaceful people, yet we are not a fragile people. And we will
not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strik
e us, they and all who have aided them will face fearful consequences.
We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater.
In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all f
ree nations would be multiplied many times over. With these capabiliti
es, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of
deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threa
t now where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and
cities.
The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognise new and unde
niable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous
dictators whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global
war.
In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear t
error, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never
before seen on this earth.
Terrorists and terrorist states do not reveal these threats with fair
notice in formal declarations. And responding to such enemies only aft
er they have struck first is not self defense. It is suicide. The secu
rity of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now.
As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honour the d
eepest commitments of our country.
Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and c
apable of human liberty, and when the dictator has departed, they can
set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self
-governing nation.
The United States with other countries will work to advance liberty an
d peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but i
t can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in
every life and every land, and the greatest power of freedom is to ov
ercome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and wom
en to the pursuits of peace. That is the future we choose.
Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the v
iolent, and tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies ac
cept that responsibility.
Good night, and may God continue to bless America.
同胞们，伊拉克事态现已进入了最后决定的时刻。十多年来，美国和其他国家进
行了耐心的、诚意的努力，以便不用战争方式解除伊拉克政权的武器。作为1991
年海湾战争的停战条件，伊拉克政权保证将公布并销毁其所有大规模毁灭性武器
。
自那时候起，全世界进行了12年的外交努力。我们在联合国安理会通过了十多项
决议。我们派出了数百名武器核查人员，监督伊拉克消除武器。我们的良好用心
没有得到回报。
伊拉克政权一直把外交作为争取时间和优势的策略。它一贯违抗安理会要求其全
面消除武器的各项决议。多年来，联合国武器核查人员遭到伊拉克官员的威胁，
他们受到电子窃听和蓄意欺骗。和平解除伊拉克政权的武器的努力一次次失败--
因为我们面对的不是和平之士。
我国和其他政府收集的情报毫无疑问地说明，伊拉克政权继续拥有并隐藏某些有
史以来最具杀伤力的武器。该政权已经对伊拉克的邻国和伊拉克人民使用过大规
模毁灭性武器。
该政权有在中东地区肆意侵犯的历史。它对美国和美国的盟友怀着刻骨仇恨。它
帮助、训练并庇护了恐怖主义分子，其中包括"基地"组织成员。
危险是明显的：利用在伊拉克的帮助下获得的化学和生物武器，也许终有一天还
会有核武器，恐怖主义分子可能实现他们昭彰的野心，在我国或其他任何国家，
杀害成千上万无辜民众。
美国和其他国家不应受到也没有招致这种威胁。但我们将竭尽全力击败它。我们
不会随波逐流滑向悲剧的深渊，而是要开辟通往安全之路。在恐怖来临之前，在
采取行动尚未太晚之时，必须铲除这一危险。
美国有使用武力确保自己国家安全的最高权力。作为总司令，这一职责落在我的
肩上，这既是我发过的誓言，也将是我信守的誓言。
美国国会认识到我国所面临的威胁，于去年以压倒多数的投票支持对伊拉克使用
武力。美国努力同联合国一道对付这一威胁，因为我们希望和平解决这个问题。
我们相信联合国的使命。在第二次世界大战之后成立联合国的原因之一，就是为
了主动地、及早地遏制侵略成性的独裁者，不让他们有可能对无辜者发动攻击和
破坏和平。
在伊拉克问题上，安理会在90年代初确实采取过行动。仍然有效的第678和687号
决议授权美国和美国的盟友用武力解除伊拉克的大规模毁灭性武器。这不是一个
是否有授权的问题，而是一个是否有意愿的问题。
去年九月，我在联合国大会上敦促世界各国团结起来，结束这种危险。去年11月
8日，安理会一致通过第1441号决议，确定伊拉克实质性地违反了其义务，并郑重
警告伊拉克，若不立即全面消除武器，就将承担严重后果。
今天，没有一个国家能说伊拉克消除了武器。只要萨达姆还在掌权，伊拉克政权
就不会消除武器。在过去的四个半月里，美国和美国的盟友一直在安理会内部为
落实安理会的长期要求而努力。但某些安理会常任理事国却公开表示，他们将否
决任何迫使伊拉克解除武器的决议。这些政府认同我们对危险的评估，但却不认
同我们解除这种危险的决心。不过，很多国家确实有决心、有意志对和平的威胁
予以反击，一个广泛的联盟目前正在形成，以落实全世界的正义要求。由于联合
国安理会未能履行它的职责，我们将站出来承担我们的责任。
最近几天，一些中东国家一直在尽他们的努力。他们公开和不公开地传递信息，
敦促这个独裁者离开伊拉克，以便使解除武器的工作和平地进行下去。他到目前
为止拒不接受。几十年的欺骗和暴行行将告终。萨达姆和他的儿子们必须在48小
时之内离开伊拉克。他们拒绝这么做就将导致军事冲突，开始时间由我们选择。
所有外国人，包括新闻记者和核查人员，都应为自身安全起见，立即离开伊拉克
。
今晚，许多伊拉克人通过收音机广播翻译可以听到我的讲话，我在此向他们发出
一个信息。如果我们必须开始军事行动， 它所针对的是那些统治你们国家的不法
之徒，而不是你们。在我们的联军解除他们的权力的同时，我们将提供你们需要
的食物和药品。我们将摧毁恐怖的机器，我们将帮助你们建立一个繁荣而自由的
新伊拉克。在自由的伊拉克，将不再有侵略你们邻国的战争，不再有毒气工厂，
不再对持不同政见人士进行杀害，不再有酷刑室和强暴间。这个独裁者很快将一
去不复返。你们获解放的日子即将来临。
现在，萨达姆侯赛因要想继续掌权已为时过晚。但是，对伊拉克军队而言，采取
正义的行动，通过让联军和平进入、销毁大规模毁灭性武器而保护你们的国家，
尚为时不晚。我们的军队将向伊拉克部队提供明确的指示，告诉他们可以采取何
种行动来避免遭到攻击和被摧毁。我敦促伊拉克军队和情报部门的每个成员，一
旦战争发生，不要为一个行将灭亡的政权而战，它不值得你们牺牲生命。
所有伊拉克军事和非军事人员必须仔细听取这一警告。在任何冲突中，你们的行
为将决定你们的命运。不得摧毁油井，这一财富资源属于伊拉克人民。不得服从
对包括伊拉克人民在内的任何人动用大规模毁灭性武器的命令。战争罪将受到起
诉。战犯将受到惩罚。"我只是执行命令"将不能成其为理由。
如果萨达姆侯赛因选择对抗，美国人民将看到，我们已经为避免战争采取了一切
措施，我们也将为赢得战争采取一切措施。美国人民懂得冲突的代价，因为我们
过去已为此付出过代价。战争是无常的，而牺牲是必然的。
然而，减少战争伤害、缩短战争时间的惟一途经便是运用我军全部的力量和实力
，而我们已严阵以待。如果萨达姆侯赛因妄图握权不放，他将至死都是我们的死
敌。他和恐怖主义组织可能孤注一掷、对美国人民和我们的友邦发动恐怖袭击。
这些袭击并非不可避免，但却是可能的。这一点更加突出说明我们为什么不能在
讹诈的威胁中生活。萨达姆侯赛因一旦被解除武器，恐怖主义对美国和世界的威
胁就将减少。
我国政府提高了对这些危险的警戒。我们在为确保在伊拉克获胜而进行准备的同
时，也在采取保护我国国土的进一步行动。近日来，美国有关当局将某些同伊拉
克情报机构有关联的人驱逐出境。其他措施还包括，我指示对我国机场加强保安
，并且增加了海岸警卫队在重要海港的巡逻。国土安全部同全国各州州长密切合
作，增加对全美各地重要设施的武装安全保卫。
敌人如果对我国发动袭击，他们就是妄图以制造惊慌来转移我们的注意力，以恐
惧来削弱我们的斗志。他们的企图不会得逞。他们的任何行动都不能改变我们的
行动方向，也动摇不了我们国家的决心。我们是爱好和平的人民，然而我们不是
脆弱的人民，我们不会被暴徒和杀人凶手所吓倒。如果敌人胆敢向我们发动攻击
，他们及其所有支持者都将面临可怕的后果。
我们现在之所以采取行动是因为不行动的危险要大得多。再过一年，或者五年，
伊拉克危害所有自由国家的力量将会成倍增加。有了这些能力，萨达姆侯赛因及
其恐怖主义同夥就可能选择在他们最有力量的时刻，挑起致命的冲突。我们选择
在现在这一时刻，在它的抬头之地，在它还未能突然出现在我们的天空和城市之
前，迎战这一威胁。
和平的事业要求所有自由国家认识到新的、无可否认的现实。在20世纪，有些国
家对杀人不眨眼的独裁者采取了绥靖政策，使其威胁得以发展成灭绝种族的大屠
杀和全球大战。在本世纪，在邪恶之徒策划化学、生物和核恐怖之时，绥靖政策
可能给地球带来的巨大破坏，将会是前所未见的。 恐怖主义分子和恐怖国家不会
以开诚布公、正式宣布的方式来预示这样的威胁，而面对这样的敌人，待他们出
击之后再做回应，不是自卫，而是自杀。世界安全要求现在就解除萨达姆侯赛因
的武器。
我们在执行世界的正义要求之际，还将信守我们国家深深的承诺。不同于萨达姆
侯赛因，我们认为伊拉克人民有权利并且有能力享有人类自由。在独裁者垮台后
，他们能为整个中东树立一个极其重要的和平和自治国家的榜样。
美国将同其他国家一道努力推进那个地区的自由与和平。我们的目标不会在一夜
之间实现，但是假以时日，将会实现。每一个生命、每一片土地都能够感受到人
类自由的力量和美好。自由的最大力量就是战胜仇恨和暴力，将男女老少的创造
力转化为对和平的追求。
这就是我们选择的未来。自由国家有责任联合起来，打击暴力之徒，保卫我们的
人民。今晚，如同我们过去所做的一样，美国及盟国将承担这一责任。
晚安，愿上帝继续保佑美国。
(全文结束)
布什总统全国讲话英文全文如下：
My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of
decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations
have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime
without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all of its weap
ons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War
in 1991.
Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have pa
ssed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Coun
cil. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarm
ament of Iraq. Our good faith has not been returned. The Iraqi regime
has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It has unifor
mly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament.
Over the years, UN weapons inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi of
ficials, electronically bugged and systematically deceived. Peaceful e
fforts to disarm the Iraq regime have failed again and again because w
e are not dealing with peaceful men.
Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt th
at the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most l
ethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of ma
ss destruction against Iraq's neighbours and against Iraq's people.
The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It
has a deep hatred of America and our friends and it has aided, traine
d and harboured terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.
The danger is clear: Using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear w
eapons obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill th
eir stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of in
nocent people in our country or any other.
The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite t
his threat, but we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of driftin
g along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety.
Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this
danger will be removed. The United States of America has the sovereign
authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That du
ty falls to me as commander-in-chief by the oath I have sworn, by the
oath I will keep.
Recognising the threat to our country, the United States Congress vote
d overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq.
America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat b
ecause we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mi
ssion of the United Nations.
One reason the UN was founded after the Second World War was to confro
nt aggressive dictators actively and early, before they can attack the
innocent and destroy the peace.
In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act in the early 1990s.
Under Resolutions 678 and 687, both still in effect, the United States
and our allies are authorised to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons
of mass destruction.
This is not a question of authority, it is a question of will. Last Se
ptember, I went to the UN General Assembly and urged the nations of th
e world to unite and bring an end to this danger. On November 8th, the
Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1441, finding Iraq in
material breach of its obligations and vowing serious consequences if
Iraq did not fully and immediately disarm.
Today, no nation can possibly claim that Iraq has disarmed. And it wil
l not disarm so long as Saddam Hussein holds power.
For the last four and a half months, the United States and our allies
have worked within the Security Council to enforce that council's long
-standing demands. Yet some permanent members of the Security Council
have publicly announced that they will veto any resolution that compel
s the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of t
he danger, but not our resolve to meet it.
Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act agains
t this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enfo
rce the just demands of the world. The United Nations Security Council
has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.
In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing th
eir part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the d
ictator to leave Iraq so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He h
as thus far refused.
All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam
Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to
do so will result in military conflict commenced at a time of our cho
osing. For their own safety, all foreign nationals, including journali
sts and inspectors, should leave Iraq immediately.
Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I
have a message for them: If we must begin a military campaign, it wil
l be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not ag
ainst you. As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver th
e food and medicine you need. We will tear down the apparatus of terro
r and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free
.
In free Iraq there will be no more wars of aggression against your nei
ghbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no
more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. T
he day of your liberation is near.
It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too la
te for the Iraq military to act with honor and protect your country, b
y permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapo
ns of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clea
r instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attack and dest
royed.
I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services: I
f war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your ow
n life.
And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully
to this warning: In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action
s. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Ir
aqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction
against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosec
uted, war criminals will be punished and it will be no defence to say,
"I was just following orders."
Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can kn
ow that every measure has been taken to avoid war and every measure wi
ll be taken to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict beca
use we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty except the cer
tainty of sacrifice.
Yet the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply th
e full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so.
If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly
foe until the end.
In desperation, he and terrorist groups might try to conduct terrorist
operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks
are not inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact u
nderscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. Th
e terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the mom
ent that Saddam Hussein is disarmed.
Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as w
e are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actio
ns to protect our homeland.
In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country ce
rtain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among othe
r measures, I have directed additional security at our airports and in
creased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports.
The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation
's governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across
America.
Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift o
ur attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they
would fail. No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolv
e of this country.
We are a peaceful people, yet we are not a fragile people. And we will
not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strik
e us, they and all who have aided them will face fearful consequences.
We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater.
In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all f
ree nations would be multiplied many times over. With these capabiliti
es, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of
deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threa
t now where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and
cities.
The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognise new and unde
niable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous
dictators whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global
war.
In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear t
error, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never
before seen on this earth.
Terrorists and terrorist states do not reveal these threats with fair
notice in formal declarations. And responding to such enemies only aft
er they have struck first is not self defense. It is suicide. The secu
rity of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now.
As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honour the d
eepest commitments of our country.
Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and c
apable of human liberty, and when the dictator has departed, they can
set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self
-governing nation.
The United States with other countries will work to advance liberty an
d peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but i
t can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in
every life and every land, and the greatest power of freedom is to ov
ercome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and wom
en to the pursuits of peace. That is the future we choose.
Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the v
iolent, and tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies ac
cept that responsibility.
Good night, and may God continue to bless America.
